In Danish the base position of the negation and negated
quantifier phrases is between the subject and
the finite verb in embedded clauses. However, in embedded clauses
introduced by a non-veridical complementizer such as
hvis (`if')
or
om (`whether') the negation and negated
quantifier phrases can also
appear between the complementizer and the subject. This phenomenon is
referred to as preposed negation. The paper investigates the structure
and semantics of this construction. It is argued that preposed
negation is no adjunction structure, but a special construction where
the negation element is a sister of the complementizer and the filler
of a filler-gap-structure. It is further argued that preposed negation is associated with negated
verum-focus of a clause lacking an (aboutness-) topic. The
negation of a verum predicate explains why preposed negation fails to license strong
negative polarity items and to rule out positive ones. The lack of a
topic explains why preposed negation is preferred with
non-referential subjects and with weak readings of
indefinite subjects and why preposed negation is incompatible with
topic-binding particles.The final section presents an HPSG-analysis of preposed
negation using Minimal Recursion Semantics (MRS).
Maintained by Stefan Müller
Created: October 13, 2009
Last modified: December 10, 2021