This paper focuses on the semantic properties and the syntactic
behaviour of Modern Greek (hence MG) Experiencer-Subject Psych Verb
Constructions (hence ESPVCs).
MG ESPVCs include verbs like miso (hate), agapo (love), or latrevo (adore), which feature a nominative experiencer in agreement with the verb and an accusative theme (see examples (1)-(3)). MG ESPVCs include also predicates like fovame (fear), which feature an experiencer-subject in agreement with the verb and either an accusative theme (example (4)), or a theme as the object of a prepositional phrase (example (5)). We should underline here that examples (4) and (5) below convey the same meaning. That is, they do NOT differ semantically.
O Gianis misi to sholio. the Gianis.N hate.3S the school.A "John hates school."
O Gianis agapa tin Maria. the Gianis.N loves.3S the Maria.A "John loves Mary."
O Gianis latrevi tin musiki. the Gianis.N adore.3S the music.A "John adores music."
I Maria fovate tis kategides. the Maria.N fear.3S the storms.A "Mary is afraid of the storms."
I Maria fovate me tis kategides. the Maria.N fear.3S with the storms.A "Mary is afraid of the storms."
The challenge that constructions like the ones in (4) and (5) pose lies on the split syntactic realization of the ``experienced'' (hence EXPD) semantic role (i.e., the theme), which in constructions like (4) is syntactically realized as the object of the sentence, while in constructions like (5) it is syntactically realized as the object of a prepositional phrase.
Our aim is to propose a unified linking account of the MG ESPVCs. This unified account
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