Narrative
Narrative of the Organization's History
Narrative of the Organization's History
Leadership, Name Changes, Size Estimates, Resources, Geographic Locations
Ideology, Aims, Political Activities, Targets, and Tactics
First Attacks, Largest Attacks, Notable Attacks
Foreign Designations and Listings, Community Relations, Relations with Other Groups, State Sponsors and External Influences
Mapping relationships with other militant groups over time in regional maps
The Badr Organization follows a Shiite Islamist ideology. The group aims to establish Iran’s type of Islamist governance in Iraq. Known as Wilayat al-Faqih (guardianship of the jurists), this doctrine seeks the complete implementation of Shiite governance under the rule of an Islamic jurist (Faqih) entrusted with temporal political authority over God’s people.[113] For this reason, the group is understood as following a Khomeinist ideology – one in line with the doctrines promulgated by Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, who established Iran’s postrevolutionary theocratic government. The group is also a strong supporter of Iran’s current Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. Badr leader Hadi al-Amiri has previously described Khamenei as “the leader not only for Iranians but the Islamic nation.”[114] In addition to its Khomeinist aims, the Badr Organization seeks to obtain greater political influence, expand Shiite power in Iraq, and create an autonomous Shiite province in southern Iraq.
In 2018, the Badr Organization led the creation of the Fatah Coalition, a political partnership comprised of several PMF units’ political wings in a bid to transform the PMF’s battlefield successes against IS and subsequent popularity into political power.[115] It appears as though Fatah is the political wing of Iran’s broader effort to gain more influence in Iraq, given the inclinations of many of its leaders and constituent parties towards Tehran and its religious authorities. Hadi al-Amiri, leader of both the Badr Organization and the Fatah Coalition, stated Fatah “is the same project [as] Imam Khomeini,” confirming Fatah’s ideological leanings toward Iran and its system of government.[116]
The Badr Organization was originally founded as the armed wing of the Supreme Council for the Islamic Revolution (SCIRI).[117] SCIRI was formed in Iran with support from the Iranian government to advance the ideology of the Iranian Revolution within Iraq.[118] Once the Badr Organization relocated to Iraq, it soon began operating its own political party, independent of SCIRI. In 2005, the Badr Organization participated in Iraq’s parliamentary elections as part of the United Iraqi Alliance, a political coalition that also included SCIRI.[119] The group also began to gain influence in Iraq’s Ministry of Interior, responsible for organizing and managing Iraq’s domestic security forces beginning in 2004.[120] In 2007, SCIRI renamed itself the Islamic Supreme Council of Iraq (ISCI) in an attempt to disassociate itself from Tehran. In 2010, the Badr Organization again ran in parliamentary elections alongside ISCI as part of the Iraqi National Alliance coalition.[121] Badr leader Hadi al-Amiri served as Transport Minister from 2010-2014. In this position, Amiri cemented his connections with Iran and worked to channel funds to companies affiliated with the Badr Organization.[122]
In 2014, the Badr Organization held 22 seats in Iraq’s Parliament, with two of the seats held by Faleh Sari Abdashi Akkab and Qasim Mohammed Jalal Hussein al-Araji.[123] Badr member Mohammed Ghabban was appointed as Interior Minister, a key national security post within Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi’s government. Through Ghabban, Badr leader Hadi al-Amiri exercised significant control over Iraq’s security forces. A Badr affiliate was also appointed to serve as Human Rights Minister.[124] Ghabban resigned from the post of Interior Minister in 2016, and another Badr member, Qasim Mohammad Jalal al-Araji, took over the position in January 2017. Araji served as Interior Minister until October 2018, when another parliamentary election took place.[125]
In 2018, the Badr Organization created the Fatah Coalition, a political partnership comprised of several PMF units’ political wings to transform the PMF’s battlefield successes against IS and subsequent popularity into political power.[126] It appears as though Fatah is the political wing of Iran’s broader effort to gain more influence in Iraq, given the inclinations of many of its leaders and constituent parties towards Tehran and its religious authorities. Hadi al-Amiri, leader of both the Badr Organization and the Fatah Coalition, stated Fatah “is the same project [as] Imam Khomeini,” referring to Grand Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, the founder of Iran’s theocratic government.[127]
The Fatah Coalition received the second-largest share of votes in Iraq’s May 2018 parliamentary elections, winning 47 of the 329 seats in Parliament and finishing second behind Muqtada al-Sadr’s Sairoon alliance (which won 54 seats). Of Fatah’s 47 total seats, the Badr Organization won 22.[128] After winning the largest share of seats, Sairoon began to assemble a governing coalition shortly after the election.[129] In this context, Fatah claimed a majority of its own after striking an alliance with former Prime Minister Maliki’s Dawlat al-Qanoon coalition and defecting members of Prime Minister Abadi’s coalition.[130] After a period of parliamentary gridlock, Fatah eventually backed the formation of Adel Abd al-Mahdi’s government with Sairoon at the head of the governing coalition in Parliament.[131] Prime Minister Abd al-Mahdi’s government collapsed in late 2019 under pressure from mass protests across Iraq.[132]
Fatah and the Badr Organization played an important role during the formation of the new Iraqi government throughout early 2020. Fatah initially opposed Mustafa al-Kadhimi’s nomination to the Iraqi premiership. However, after receiving the bloc’s choice for the position of Social Affairs Minister, Fatah voted for Kadhimi’s government.[133] Badr defended Kadhimi’s nomination to the premiership in the face of public opposition from other militias, particularly Kata’ib Hezbollah. Badr released a letter justifying his appointment and urging the muqawama (“resistance factions;” a term used to distinguish Iran-aligned militias in Iraq) to give politics time and avoid further escalation with the U.S. forces.[134] Badr also attempted to reassure the militias that Kadhimi will prioritize holding negotiations with “the American occupier” to facilitate the withdrawal of the U.S. military from Iraq. Throughout 2020, Badr and Fatah played central roles in demanding the departure of U.S. troops from Iraq. In the wake of IRGC-QF commander Qasem Soleimani’s death in a U.S. airstrike in January 2020, Badr and Fatah lawmakers played an instrumental role in orchestrating the passage of a parliamentary resolution calling on the government to expel U.S. troops from Iraq.[135] In August 2020, Prime Minister Kadhimi visited Washington, D.C. for the second round of the U.S.-Iraq strategic dialogue and status of forces talks.[136] Kadhimi met with President Trump and several U.S. diplomatic and military officials. Kadhimi’s meeting with then-U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo was followed by a statement from representatives of the Badr Organization, saying, “We’re not obligated to accept any agreements Kadhimi signs with Washington, regardless of their benefits to Iraq, unless they include a timetable for U.S. forces exiting Iraq.”[137]
As of May 2021, Amiri continues to lead the Fatah Coalition, despite his resignation from Parliament in June 2020.[138] Amiri reportedly resigned his position in Parliament to replace Faleh al-Fayyadh as Chairman of the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) Commission, the PMF’s internal command apparatus.[139] However, as of May 2021, Fayyadh remains Chairman of the PMF Commission. Fatah subsequently released a statement saying these rumors were “baseless” and that Amiri resigned to focus on his duties as leader of Fatah.[140] In July 2020, Prime Minister Kadhimi appointed former Interior Minister and Badr member Qasim al-Araji to the position of National Security Advisor.[141]
In the early 1990s, the Badr Organization transitioned from a guerilla force to a conventional military organization. The organization possessed heavy weaponry that it displayed in military parades throughout Iraq.[142] Between 2013-2017 members of the Badr Organization were deployed alongside the regular Iraqi Army as part of the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) to combat the Islamic State (IS). In these operations, the group utilized the same tactics as those employed by Iraq’s regular security forces.[143] As of October 2020, PMF brigades known to be under Badr or its affiliates’ control include the 1st, 2nd, 4th, 5th, 10th, 21st, 22nd, 23rd, 24th, 27th, 52nd, 53rd, 44th, and 110th PMF brigades – forming the largest verifiable constituency within the PMF.[144]
The Badr Organization is also suspected of kidnapping Sunnis, using torture tactics, and murdering Sunni Arabs and clerics.[145] During its participation in the campaign to retake Mosul from IS, the Badr Organization was accused of committing a series of human rights abuses against civilians.[146] In a 2016 interview, Badr leader Hadi al-Amiri commented on the abuses: “I don’t claim that there are never violations that occur during war.”[147] Badr leader Hadi al-Amiri is believed to have encouraged the use of brutal tactics, such as “using a power drill to pierce the skulls of adversaries.”[148] However, Amiri has repeatedly denied the use of extreme violence.[149]
Disclaimer: These are some selected major attacks in the militant organization’s history. It is not a comprehensive listing but captures some of the most famous attacks or turning points during the campaign.
1983-1988: The Badr Organization coordinated with the Iranian Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) to fight against Iraq in the Iraq-Iran War (unknown killed, unknown wounded).[150]
2004-2006: In a leaked State Department cable from December 2009, Badr Organization leader Hadi al-Amiri is speculated to have personally ordered attacks on up to 2,000 Iraqi Sunnis in a brutal sectarian war against Iraq’s Sunni population (2,000 killed, unknown wounded).[151]
2006: Hundreds of Iraqis were tortured and executed by armed police working for Iraq’s Interior Ministry under SCIRI’s control. United Nations human rights chief John Pace stated that many of these policemen were suspected members of the Badr Organization (hundreds killed, unknown wounded).[152]
August 27-28, 2007: Members of the Badr Organization serving in the Iraqi security forces clashed with Mahdi Army militants in Karbala, Iraq. The New York Times described the fighting as a result of “a power struggle between rival Shiite groups” over control of Shiite areas of central and southern Iraq. The violence killed fifty people, some of whom were Shiite pilgrims who had traveled to the area for a religious celebration (50 killed, 200 wounded).[153]
June 2014: After the fall of Mosul, the Badr Organization was victorious in a series of battles against the Islamic State in Diyala province (unknown killed, unknown wounded).[154]
July 2014: Human Rights Watch accused the Badr Organization of killing Sunni prisoners. It was also speculated that the organization targeted Iraqi Sunnis thought to be sympathetic to IS (unknown killed, unknown wounded).[155]
January 2015: The Badr Organization is suspected of killing 72 Iraqi civilians in Muqdadiyah, Diyala province. Badr leader Amiri denied responsibility for the killings (72 killed, unknown wounded).[156]
March-April 2015: The Badr Organization fought alongside a U.S.-led coalition in a campaign to drive the Islamic State from Tikrit in Salah ad-Din province. It was reported that Hadi al-Amiri personally led the operation alongside the commander of the IRGC’s Quds Force, Qasem Soleimani (unknown killed, unknown wounded).[157]
May 2016: The Badr Organization and other Shiite militias affiliated with PMF participated in Iraqi security forces’ campaign to recapture Fallujah from IS (unknown killed, unknown wounded).[158]
February 2017: The Badr Organization and other Shiite militias affiliated with PMF participated in the Iraqi security forces’ campaign to recapture Mosul from IS (unknown killed, unknown wounded).[159]
August 2017: The Badr Organization and other Shiite militias affiliated with PMF participated in Iraqi security forces’ campaign to recapture Tal Afar from IS (unknown killed, unknown wounded).[160]
December 31, 2019: The Badr Organization and other PMF affiliates organized and participated in demonstrations near and later an attack on the U.S. Embassy compound in central Baghdad. Observers reported seeing Badr leader Hadi al-Amiri among the demonstrators (0 killed, unknown wounded).[161]
The Badr Organization and the PMF more broadly have a complicated relationship with the Iraqi public. Due to their instrumental role in the fight against the Islamic State (IS), many Iraqis view the militias as vital to the state’s security apparatus.[164] Public opinion polls conducted in the aftermath of IS’s defeat in November 2017 suggest the Iraqi public strongly views militias within the PMF structure as positive contributors to local security – with 91% of Shia respondents and 64.5% of Sunni respondents indicating a positive view of the PMF.[165] However, some Iraqi Shia and Sunni view the Badr Organization as an integral component of Iran’s efforts to gain political and cultural influence within Iraq – a matter anathema to some Shiite Arab sectarians and Iraqi Sunnis, the latter of whom fear losing influence to the militias.[166] Moreover, Sunni communities, particularly in areas controlled by the Badr Organization, tend to dislike the group and other prominent PMF units due to well-documented instances of abuse committed by the Badr Organization and other PMF units against Sunni civilians during both Iraq’s insurgency and the war against IS.[167] Most notably in the Sunni-majority Diyala province, where Badr exercises substantial military and political authority, Badr members reportedly engaged in a “systematic campaign” to drive out Sunni inhabitants from areas under their direct control to ensure the election of a Shiite-majority provincial council.[168] On the grounds of Badr’s reported hostility toward Sunni civilians, Sunni politicians at the federal level vehemently opposed Badr’s nominee for Interior Minister, Mohammed Ghabban, in 2014.[169] In May 2021, the U.S. Department of State released Iraq’s section of the 2020 Report on International Religious Freedom. The report alleged that Badr, alongside several other militias, has converted several Sunni mosques in Diyala province into PMF headquarters.[170]
The Badr Organization has sought to incorporate Sunni tribal militias into the PMF to mitigate this animosity. Still, it is unclear if this has fully eased tensions between the militia and Iraq’s Sunni community. Observers note that Badr members have served as liaisons between the Sunni Tribal Mobilization Forces and the Shiite militias during the war against IS and have served alongside their Sunni counterparts in recaptured Sunni-majority areas in Ninewa, Salah ad-Din, and, most notably, Diyala, where Badr maintains a near-complete control of provincial politics.[171] Badr has also provided weapons, funding, and political patronage to members of these “collaborator” groups.[172] Moreover, the Badr Organization has made significant inroads among Shiite Turkmen living between the cities of Kirkuk and Tuz Khurmatu due in large part to the Badr Organization’s instrumental role in liberating this area of Iraq from IS.[173]
The Badr Organization has previously conflicted with the Peshmerga, the Kurdistan Region of Iraq’s (KRI) armed forces, and the Kurdistan Region’s government. At times, this conflict has played out within Iraq’s security and political “grey areas” – contested territories between the jurisdictions of the federal government in Baghdad and the Kurdish Regional government in Erbil. The PMF has established itself as the preeminent security force in these contested areas.[174] After Iraq’s regular security forces withdrew from these “grey areas” and moved to combat IS’s offensive into northern Iraq in 2014, Badr struck a deal with the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan, one of the two major political parties that govern the KRI, to assume control of areas near Khanaqin, Diyala province – one of the more contested “grey areas” in Iraq.[175] Notionally intended to shore up local security, Badr’s presence in the area increased in subsequent years to encompass near-total control of local police and governing councils.[176] Kurdish security forces and political organizations generally came to oppose Badr and the PMF’s substantial presence in Diyala, as Badr’s control of the local police, military, and provincial government threatened the Kurds’ hard-fought influence within the province.[177] In 2016, units of the Badr Organization clashed violently with the Peshmerga in the Khanaqin area of Diyala province.[178] A ceasefire agreement struck following the clashes stipulated that Badr and other PMF units must withdraw from Khanaqin and relinquish some of their police powers; however, as of February 2019, Badr maintains a substantial political and military presence throughout Diyala province.[179]
The group has a history of conflict with the Mahdi Army, another Shiite militant group within Iraq loyal to Muqtada al-Sadr.[180] The rivalry between the groups – often referred to as “Badr vs. Sadr” – is a fixture of Shiite politics in Iraq.[181] Their rivalry stems from several personal and political disagreements between the groups, such as the Mahdi Army’s disapproval of the Badr Organization’s close relationship with Iran.[182] Politically, the Badr Organization supported former Iraqi Prime Minister Maliki, while the Mahdi Army frequently called for Maliki’s resignation.[183] The Sadrists have also challenged Badr’s control of important elements of Iraq’s bureaucracy. Iraq’s Ministry of the Interior, which oversees the country’s federal police, had effectively been under Badr’s control since the formation of Iraq’s first post-invasion elected government in 2005.[184] However, beginning in 2007, Sadrists joined the rank-and-file of the federal police, giving the Sadrists official cover for some of their activities and disrupting Badr’s near-total control of the police and the interior ministry.[185] In October 2019, as mass protests in Iraq grew in intensity and casualties mounted, Badr Organization leader Hadi al-Amiri reportedly played a central role in forestalling then-Prime Minister Adel Abd al-Mahdi’s resignation.[186] In doing so, Amiri came into conflict with Muqtada al-Sadr, who had at that point sought to position himself as the “leading voice” of the protesters and had become one of the most prominent figures demanding Prime Minister Abd al-Mahdi’s resignation. As a result of their disagreement, Sadr said that he and the Sadrists would not work with Amiri or Badr again.[187]
There have also been instances of violence between the groups. Both groups have fought for control and influence in the Shiite-dominated areas of central and southern Iraq, including the suburbs of Baghdad. In Sadr City, a neighborhood of Baghdad and Sadrist stronghold, clashes between Badr and the Sadrists killed five people and wounded an additional 20.[188] In August 2007, violent clashes erupted between the Badr Organization and the Mahdi Army in Karbala – a city that was dominated by Badr and ISCI-affiliated security officers. The clashes killed 50 and wounded 200 others; among the victims were an untold number of civilians.[189] This inter-group violence peaked in 2007; as of May 2021, it appears the two groups have not clashed violently since then.
The Badr Organization also has ties to Asa’ib Ahl al-Haq (AAH) and Kata’ib Hezbollah (KH), two Iraqi militant groups also backed by Iran. In June 2014, the Maliki government answered Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani’s call to form popular militias to respond to Islamic State’s (IS) offensives into northern Iraq with the creation of the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF). The PMF is a state-sponsored umbrella group composed of approximately forty Iraqi militias.[190] Lacking a strong regular security force, the Iraqi government relied on these militias, some of which had existed for decades, to help liberate IS-held areas.[191] The Badr Organization, AAH, and KH – all well-established armed groups by that point – joined the PMF to combat IS. As of October 2020, PMF brigades known to be under Badr or its affiliates’ control include the 1st, 2nd, 4th, 5th, 10th, 21st, 22nd, 23rd, 24th, 27th, 52nd, 53rd, 44th, and 110th PMF brigades – forming the largest verifiable constituency within the PMF.[192] Badr’s membership in the PMF, coupled with the fact that the AAH and KH are also proxies of Iran, has led to speculation that the groups share a close relationship.[193] Though the groups share a common background and ideology, the groups differ in strategy. Observers note that the Badr Organization transitioned into a “parochial” group after 2003, primarily seeking to acquire power by establishing firm social and political power bases within Iraq.[194] However, mewer militant groups such as AAH, KH, and other militias founded after 2003 have remained as “vanguard” groups that actively seek to achieve their goals through violent means and generally lack a solid social base; KH maintains this abstentionist outlook to the present day, while AAH has since become a prominent participant in Iraqi Shiite politics and society.[195]
As of May 2021, many observers have argued that the Badr Organization is the most powerful member of the PMF and is likely the most powerful militia in Iraq. Militarily, Badr is the leading provider of expertise, materiel, and manpower to the PMF’s support units, such as its armor, artillery, and missiles directorates, and serves as a liaison between non-Shia armed groups and the Shiite, Iran-backed militias that form the “core groups” of the PMF.[196] While Kata’ib Hezbollah certainly eclipses Badr and all other militias in terms of battlefield prowess and military capabilities, Badr is understood to be far more powerful owing to its political strength: through its dominance within Parliament and at the ministerial level, Badr wields substantial influence over Iraq’s federal police, regular armed forces, and the PMF, as well as most budgetary decisions made regarding all of these organizations.[197] For these reasons, observers have described Badr as being the operational “heart” of the PMF.[198]
In addition to their military partnership, the Badr Organization has cooperated with AAH in politics. Badr Organization leaders notably appeared alongside leaders from KH and AAH in a 2016 demonstration in Baghdad to mark International Quds Day – a holiday created by Iran to express it and its affiliates’ opposition to Israel and support for the Palestinian cause.[199] Alongside AAH, Badr is a founding member of the Fatah Coalition, a parliamentary bloc consisting of the political wings of Iran-aligned Iraqi militias.[200] Currently, Badr holds the largest number of Fatah’s seats in Parliament – controlling 22 of Fatah’s 47 total seats.[201] Badr Organization leader Hadi al-Amiri led Fatah within Parliament until his resignation Parliament in June 2020, though as of May 2021, Iraqi sources continue to identify Amiri as Fatah’s overall leader. [202] In December 2019, Badr played a role in organizing and executing the militia-led demonstrations near the U.S. embassy compound in central Baghdad. Badr leader Hadi al-Amiri was photographed attending the demonstration, alongside then-KH leader Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis and AAH leader Qais al-Khazali.[203] The demonstrations escalated into an attack on the U.S. embassy by protestors.[204]
The Badr Organization also has ties with militias representing Iraq’s religious and ethnic minorities. In particular, the Badr Organization maintains close ties with the Babylon Brigade, a nominally Christian militia and member of the PMF whose leader, Rayan al-Kildani, has long been associated with the Badr Organization’s leadership.[205]
The Badr Organization is an enemy of the Islamic State and its predecessor, Al Qaeda in Iraq, largely due to IS’s efforts to target the Iraqi Shia population. The Badr Organization was an active participant in the fight against IS through its participation in the PMF alongside the regular Iraqi Army.[206]
The Badr Organization is heavily influenced and supported by Iran. To this end, the group is often referred to as Iran’s oldest and one of its most important Iraqi proxies and, after the creation of Hezbollah in Lebanon, Iran’s second most successful foreign policy intervention since 1979.[207]
The Badr Organization was founded in Iran with direct Iranian support. After the start of the Iran-Iraq War, several Iraqi Shiite political leaders fled to Iran. Iran allowed these leaders to organize anti-Ba’athist political parties within its borders. Iran encouraged the new political parties to adopt its revolutionary ideology and provided them with organizational and financial support. In this context, the Supreme Council for the Islamic Revolution in Iraq (SCIRI) was established in Iran in 1982 as an alternative to the Ba’athist regime.[208]
In 1983, the Badr Brigade was established with Iranian support to conduct intelligence and other military operations in the Iran-Iraq War. Assembled from defecting officers of Iraq’s Army and other Iraqi Shia, the Badr Brigade nominally served as the armed wing of SCIRI. However, in practice, the Badr Brigade was created to operate on behalf of Iran. Effectively acting as a unit within Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), the Badr Brigade received significant funding, training, and strategic guidance from the IRGC.[209]
After its founding, the organization operated out of Iran for two decades until it moved to Iraq in 2003. Even after the group relocated to Iraq, it continued to receive direct support from Iran. In 2005, the Jordanian news site al-Malaf reported that the Badr Organization received $3 million each month from Tehran.[210] In 2014, group founder and leader Hadi al-Amiri described Iranian support of the organization: “[Iran] gave us weapons, they gave us ammunition, and they gave us their military experience.”[211] As of 2021, the group continues to receive direct support from Iran.[212] In 2014, Hadi al-Amiri stated that “if it wasn’t for Iran, Baghdad would have fallen” and that he is “proud of this friendship” between the Badr Organization and Iran.[213]
The Badr Organization aims to establish Iran’s type of Islamist governance in Iraq. Known as Wilayat al-Faqih (guardianship of the jurists), this doctrine seeks the complete implementation of Shiite governance under the rule of an Islamic jurist entrusted with temporal political authority over God’s people.[214] For this reason, the group is understood as following a Khomeinist ideology – one in line with the doctrines promulgated by Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, who established Iran’s postrevolutionary theocratic government. The group is also a strong supporter of Iran’s current Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei.[215]
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