Results and new questions: 2000 - 2001  

Fig. 22


In our first three seasons we have opened an area of roughly 700 m2. We have excavated about 150 m2 to natural deposits, and another 200 m2 to sixth-century layers. We estimate that the sixth-century settlement covered 150,000-200,000 m2, so we have exposed barely 1/500th of it. Our results are necessarily tentative. But all the same, some interesting patterns are already appearing, which are causing us to refine our initial question about Hellenization.

Ceramic style. Greek pottery occurs in almost all sixth-century layers, but in small amounts. Only one context (B1/2) has been fully quantified so far. There Greek pottery makes up just 2.0 percent (by sherd count) of the finewares in the lower levels (c. 550-525 BC), rising to 10.3 percent in the upper levels (c. 525-500). We need further quantification to tell whether the change in proportions reflects increasing use of Greek material culture or was caused by changes in function (the early deposit is a dump of religious debris, the later a house floor). Our impression is that the proportion of Greek ware is higher in zone A, but we have not yet quantified this precisely. The only comparative figures from other sites come from Entella, where Greek pottery dated c. 550-450 BC makes up 20-40 percent of the only quantified deposit, and Monte Maranfusa, where Greek sherds comprise 20-30 percent of the fine wares from houses dated c. 550-475.

The range of Greek shapes represented is narrow—mostly Ionic type B1 and B2 cups, a few Attic Class of Athens 1104 and Type C cups, and MGS types I-III amphoras. There is almost no Phoenician material from the sixth century: we have a single amphora, and a red-slip sherd that may be from a miniature dish, although the fabric is unlike those found at Mozia.

At Entella, 60-80 percent of the indigenous decorated pottery is matt-painted. Stamped and incised designs, after being common in the seventh century, go out of favor in the sixth. This is also the pattern at Monte Maranfusa and Colle Madore. At Monte Polizzo, however, stamped and incised wares are commoner, particularly grayware plates with 2 or 3 incised bands on the lip and handles reminiscent of late sixth-century Attic lekanides. The stylistic repertoire may have been more conservative at Monte Polizzo than at other sites. It is sometimes suggested that the decoration of indigenous wares became more elaborate as the sixth century went on. At Monte Polizzo we have found some very elaborately decorated “dente di lupo” incised sherds, but so far they are known from fragments, while the complete vessels are the plainer incised graywares. More excavation and study are needed, but possibly as Greek vessels came into more common use in the second half of the sixth century, the native traditions grew simpler and more standardized.

Our initial impression is that we need to define “Hellenization” in a very particular way if we are to apply it to the sixth-century pottery from Monte Polizzo. Only a small part of the assemblage was Greek; but on the other hand, Greek material may have begun putting some of the native traditions out of business, and influencing vessel shapes. Judging from strainers found on Early Iron Age sites, beer was probably the main alcoholic drink in the ninth and eighth centuries. There no direct evidence yet for whether the Phoenicians or Greeks introduced wine to Sicily, and if so when it began to be grown locally, but wine sets completely dominate the finds at Monte Polizzo. The switch from beer to wine seems to have been quite abrupt, in the late eighth or early seventh century.

People at Monte Polizzo may have been more conservative than those at other sites in the region, both in being more attached to indigenous vessels, and in maintaining incised and stamped traditions which had yielded elsewhere to matt-painted. The acceptance of Greek forms was partial, and cannot be analyzed separately from the acceptance of native painting traditions. The acceptance of Phoenician forms was almost non-existent.

Housing. In the Bronze Age round huts were favored in western Sicily; by the sixth century, rectilinear, multi-room houses dominated. Some see this as Hellenization, since rectilinear multi-room houses also became normal in Aegean Greece between 750 and 600 BC. However, such houses were already in use at Monte Finestrelle by the eighth or even the ninth century, and may have little to do with Greek models. The courtyard houses with very specific gender implications that dominate the Greek record in the sixth century and later in fact have rather few similarities to houses at Monte Maranfusa, which has the best housing evidence. House I at Monte Polizzo has some similarities to Greek pastas houses, but these are not very pronounced. We have not yet excavated enough of the presumed houses in acropolis zones C and D to analyze their plans.

Only a small area has been excavated at Monte Maranfusa, but the houses seem to be on a regular grid, which might imply imitation of Greek planning. At Monte Polizzo, the walls at House I, Portella Sant’Anna, and acropolis zones B, C, and D are all on different alignments. There was clearly no rigid town plan; but given the topography of the site, it would have been very difficult to impose such a grid. It is more plausible to suggest that different parts of the town had independent grid plans, as was the case in Greek Selinunte. And in fact room B1/2 is on almost exactly the same alignment as the Tusa House, excavated in 1970, some 75 meters to the south (fig. 9). Structure C1 in between is aligned differently, but burned down before B1/2 was built, so might not be relevant. A magnetometer survey in 2001 was unable to detect further walls in between, so in 2002 we began a “great trench” between B1 and the Tusa House to see if this part of the site was regularly laid out. It uncovered walls from two more buildings, on a similar alignment to B1/2 and the Tusa House. These walls proved to be medieval, although it may be that like B1, they reused the tops of ruined Iron Age walls as foundations, reproducing a plan 1500 years older than the houses themselves. We will examine this further in 2003. The one Iron Age wall discovered was on a different alignment, and may be an enclosure. We also traced parts of a sixth-century enclosure wall running along the west side of the acropolis, with definite signs of medieval reuse.

Other than being rectilinear and multi-room, the houses found so far are not particularly Greek-looking, and the evidence for planning is ambiguous. Some people at Monte Polizzo may have wanted to imitate the orderly arrangement of Greek houses and towns; but at the moment it seems equally possible that the changing use of space between 800 and 500 BC was driven as much by increasing complexity and hierarchy as by imitation of another culture. The experience of living in indigenous towns like Monte Polizzo remained very different from that of living in Selinunte or Himera. The indigenous sites were first and foremost hill towns: they had commanding views over the plains spread out at their feet, and most kinds of movement within the town or between it and the larger world required ascent or descent. Mediterranean historians and ethnographers regularly find antithetical attitudes among hill- and plain-dwellers, the former despising the latter for their softness and decadence, the latter the former for their backwardness and poverty. There is a majestic quality to this landscape (fig. 22). While we can never know whether the ancient occupants shared our judgments, we cannot help but feel that for these hill-dwellers—as for so many others in Mediterranean history—their position atop the world was a central element in their sense of identity.

The sacred. Whatever western Sicilians did to commune with supernatural worlds in the ninth and eighth centuries BC has left little or no material trace that we can recognize. But around 700 the people at Montagnoli, near Selinunte, built a group of round huts 8-10 meters in diameter at the highest point of their settlement. These had benches inside, and people came to them to cook and eat meat. By 650 several sites had similar structures. At the best known, Polizzello, people were burning animals and leaving bronze and silver ornaments in the ashes, which were heaped up in small enclosures. At Polizzello and some of the other sites, long walls enclosed clusters of these round buildings.

Archaeologists have taken to calling these round buildings “hut shrines” (capanne sacello). They stand out from the rectilinear houses normal on sixth-century sites, have distinctive deposits, and consistently occupy the highest point on the site. At Monte Polizzo, building A1 at the peak of the fill (725.9 meters above sea level) is the only round structure found so far. Like the hut shrines at other sites, it contained a lot of ash, and had unusual finds including iron, bronze, and worked bone ornaments, and a figurine. It differed from the other hut-shrines, though, in that instead of having an internal bench, it was divided into three tiny rooms by T-shaped walls. One room had a clay basin set into the floor, heaped high with ash, and a second had a pit dug into the floor, again filled with ash, and sealed with two layers of clay. Just east of the shrine was a paved area and a small stele, while to the south and west there were two successive open-air stone structures, where there seem to have been repeated episodes involving the burning of animals. We found two large dumps of debris containing some 30,000 fragmentary animal bones. These included cows, sheep or goats, and pigs, but more than 80 percent of the identified bones were deer. These must have been hunted and killed in forests some distance away, since preliminary pollen analyses suggest that there were few trees near the site in the sixth century; then brought back whole, and burned whole on the altar, since burned skull and toe fragments were numerous. Very few long bones were found round the altars, probably meaning that the meat from the sacrifices was consumed somewhere else. Some of the antlers had cuts or holes drilled in them, and may have been used in rituals. The bone assemblage is very different from those in zones C and D, where long bones predominate.

Seventh- and sixth-century indigenous sites typically reserved their highest point for special round structures—the only structures now built in the old Bronze Age form—where unusual and relatively rich objects were left behind. At Monte Polizzo, animals were burned whole on open-air stone structures, the meat was taken away to be consumed elsewhere, and something was done with the antlers cut from the deer’s heads, which eventually wound up in huge dumps of ash and coarse ware pottery. The only reasonable interpretation is that at the highest places used by a culture organized around high places, people believed that they could make contact between their world and another world.

We suggest that animal sacrifice on altars bridged the mortal and divine worlds. The hut-shrines surely evoked the ancestors, and the deer antler were perhaps part of a ritual blurring the boundaries between men and animals. A famous vase from Polizzello may show a man with horns, and several plastic vases from seventh- and sixth-century west Sicily may also represent horned humans. The brief excavation report on the Polizzello acropolis also mentions an antler in hut B, and at Colle Madore a pit full of ash and animal bones was found at the top of the site in the ruins of a round hut shrine. It too contained deer bones, but these made up only 2 percent of the assemblage, and no antlers are mentioned (though if Colle Madore was like Monte Polizzo, the antlers might have been dumped outside the shrine itself). For the Elymians and Sicans, we suggest, hunting and killing deer, burning their bodies whole where the heavens and earth came closest together, and using their antlers in rituals broke down the barriers between the animal, human, ancestral, and divine worlds.

The shift from worship of the gods that involved no special buildings to worship that had distinctive architectural forms, burned sacrifice, and open-air altars parallels what happened in Greece in the eighth century, but little else about sixth-century practices at Monte Polizzo seems Greek. As with pottery decoration and the use of space, direct emulation of Greek or Phoenician practices was perhaps less important at Monte Polizzo than the elaboration of traditional practices in response to new opportunities and pressures.

Yet around the time that the people of Monte Polizzo were building A1, the Segestans, just 10 kilometers away, built a huge Doric temple in the contrada Mango. Smaller stone temples were also set up at Monte Iato and Erice. The contrada Mango temple is as large as most of the temples at Selinunte, Himera, and Agrigento. We know that the Greek cities were competing to build the largest temple, and it looks very much as if the leading people at Segesta tried to join this competition. The contrada Mango temple would have cost 100+ talents—enough to feed at least 1000 people for ten years. Nothing like this level of display had ever been seen in west Sicily. We do not know whether the temple was financed privately or by communal taxes (or whether the distinction meant much in sixth-century Segesta); but whatever the details, some people at Segesta had found ways to centralize resources and extract so much wealth that they could play in the same league as the Greek tyrants. We suggest that the contrada Mango temple was both a symptom and a cause of Segestan state-formation. It expressed Segesta’s superiority over other local cultures; and at the same time, the Segestans actually had to become politically superior in order to build on such a scale. In the sixth and fifth centuries Segesta extended its power over most of the Elymian communities in northwest Sicily, creating new forms of hierarchy that allowed its rulers to centralize more wealth and power than ever before. To some extent, Greek architecture and social control were bound together.

We need to see Hellenization at Monte Polizzo against this background. It was one of the largest indigenous communities c. 550-525 BC, and could not have ignored changes at Segesta. Yet so far as we can tell from the small area of zone A excavated so far, people at Monte Polizzo showed no interest in the new trend toward Greek temple-building. The picture could change: at the end of the 2002 season we uncovered part of a rectilinear structure (A5), which might be a sacellum replacing hut shrine A1, as happened at Colle Madore and Sabucina. But everything we have found so far, from local pottery to ritual, seems old-fashioned and inward-turned. Perhaps Monte Polizzo was a community that hung on to older, more egalitarian ideals in the face of a more competitive environment and Segestan state-formation. Only further excavation will tell, and in 2003 we plan to concentrate on zone A.

Diet. So far we have little to report other than the remarkable concentration of deer remains in the two dumps of religious material. We hope for the first report on the macrofossils by the end of 2002.


New questions

“Hellenization” is a high-level abstraction. West Sicilian material culture as a whole looked far more Greek (and Punic) in 300 BC than it had done in 800, but we know very little about how this process worked or where causation lay. The first seasons at Monte Polizzo suggest that we need to specify the phenomena under study more precisely. Hellenization was not a single process, but a bundle of interconnected changes. In western Sicily, the widespread import of Greek cups and the occasional episodes of massive elite spending to build Greek-style temples may be driven by quite different factors. Hellenization can be about economics and politics as much as it is about culture. At the moment, we know most about what happened to Greek and Phoenician communities in the sixth and fifth centuries. The new fieldwork of the last

twenty years is starting to give us a detailed picture of how both similarities and differences between the indigenous communities responded in the sixth century, and of the tensions between novelty and traditionalism in material culture.

If we are to understand the political and economic dimensions of this phenomenon we need to know a lot more about the city of Segesta. Vincenzo Tusa’s pioneering fieldwork has not been followed up by excavations in the archaic/classical settlement on Monte Barbaro; this is a top priority. We also need more high-quality survey work. In an important recent essay, Stefano Vassallo has suggested that the sixth century saw both a demographic boom and rising standards of living. Better survey data will test his first claim, but to examine the second we need more quantified data from other sites, and particularly from pre-sixth-century settlements.

To understand more about the social dimensions of Hellenization, we need more large-scale but detailed excavations on inland sites. Historians’ studies of early modern Europe have found that the concentration of power and wealth in state offices was normally accompanied by changes in the distribution of power and wealth within villages and households. We know very little at this point about rich and poor, gender, or indeed any other social relationships in inland Sicily. By giving us high-quality data from several parts of a single site, Monte Polizzo could make a great contribution here. But as when discussing economic changes, to make sense of the Monte Polizzo data we will also need quantified comparisons with other settlements, especially earlier ones.

The abandonment processes at Monte Polizzo may be one of the most interesting issues of all. Vassallo has noted that 62 percent of the sites in western Sicily that were occupied around 550 BC had been abandoned by 450. He argued that inland western Sicily flourished in the sixth century by taking advantage of its position between the Greek and Phoenician cities to supply both, but that the battle of Himera in 480 BC disrupted this delicate equilibrium, leading to economic disaster and a demographic collapse. In some ways Monte Polizzo fits this theory well; in other ways, less well. Zone A at Monte Polizzo was in use till 475 or even 450, but House I burned down around 525, and C1 may have burned even earlier, around 550. Few of the sites available to Vassallo have been extensively excavated, but the picture is clearly quite complicated. We urgently need better data on the abandonment process. It is also hard to explain Segesta’s status in the fifth century if there had really been an economic collapse in the 470s. In the 420s Segesta could start an even more impressive temple, in 415 could fool the Athenians into believing that it was rich enough to fund a major invasion of Sicily, and in 410 the promise of greater influence at Segesta drew Carthage into a major war. In our 2002 preliminary report we suggest that Monte Polizzo’s abandonment may have been part of a gradual contraction of settlement onto Erice, the unidentified Halikyai, and especially Segesta—none of which is well known in this period—and that Elymian social change and state-formation may have followed a path like that of Syracuse under the Deinomenids in the 480s-460s and the Sicels under Ducetius in the 450s-440s, where there were forcible population transfers to the urban center.

Vassallo makes the important point that during this fifth-century period when evidence is so scarce outside Segesta, the indigenous traditions of incised and stamped and matt-painted pottery (and we might also add the hut-shrines) died out. When Monte Polizzo and many other inland hill sites were reoccupied around 350, the finds are overwhelmingly Greek and Punic. If we are right about the link between Segestan state-formation and the abandonment of rural sites like Monte Polizzo, then this is crucial to understanding Hellenization. Segesta’s success in resisting Selinunte across the sixth and fifth centuries destroyed other centers of Elymian culture, eventually creating something entirely new: a Hellenized Sicilian city.





Indigenous sites

Colle Madore

Stefano Vassallo, ed., Colle Madore: un caso di ellenizzazione in terra sicana (Palermo 1999)


Giuseppe Nenci, “Entella,” in AA.VV., Di terra in terra: nuove scoperte archeologiche nella provincia di Palermo (Palermo 1991) 31-37

Raimondo Guglielmino, “Materiali arcaici e problemi di ellenizzazione ad Entella,” in Seconde giornate internazionali di studi sull’area Elima, Atti III (Pisa-Gibellina 1997) 923-77


Giuseppe Castellana, “L’insediamento di Montagnoli nei pressi di Selinunte,” Gli elimi e l’area elima, ed. Giuseppe Nenci, Sebastiano Tusa, and Vincenzo Tusa (Palermo 1988/89) 326-31

——, “Note sulla ceramica indigena impressa proviente da scavi nella valle del Belice e nel bacino finale del Platani,” in Giornate internazionali di studi sull’area Elima, Atti II (Pisa-Gibellina 1992) 191-202

——, “Nuovi dati sull’ insediamento di Montagnoli presso Menfi,” in Terze Giornate internazionali di Studi sull’area elima, Atti II (Pisa-Gibellina 2000) 263-71

Monte Finestrelle

M. De Cesare and M. Gargini, “Monte Finestrelle di Gibellina: nota preliminare sulla prima campagna di scavo,” in Seconde giornate internazionali di studi sull’area Elima, Atti I (Pisa-Gibellina 1997) 371-74

Monte Maranfusa

Francesca Spatafora, “Monte Maranfusa (scavi 1986-87),” in Gli elimi e l’area elima, ed. G. Nenci, S. Tusa, and V. Tusa (Palermo 1988/1989) 293-99

——, “Monte Maranfusa,” in AA.VV., Di terra in terra: nuove scoperte archeologiche nella provincia di Palermo (Palermo 1991) 2-12

——, “Monte Maranfusa (campagna di scavo 1989),” Kokalos 39-40 (1993-1994) 1199-1209

——, “Tipologie abitative arcaiche nei centri indigeni occidentali: il caso di Monte Maranfusa,” in H-P. Isler, D. Käch, and O. Stefani, eds., Wohnbauforschung in Zentral- und Westsizilien (Zurich 1997) 151-64


Ernesto De Miro, “Gli ‘indigeni’ della Sicilia centro-meridionale,” Kokalos 34/35 (1988-1989) 24-34

——, “L’organizzazione abitativa e dello spazio nei centri indigeni delle valli del Salso e del Platani,” in Magna Grecia e Sicilia: stato degli studi e prospettive di ricerca, ed. M. Barra Bagnasco, E. De Miro, and A. Pinzone (Messina 1999) 187-93


Ernesto De Miro, “Forme di contatto e processi di trasformazione nelle società antiche: esempio da Sabucina,” in AA.VV., Forme di contatto e processi di trasformazione nelle società antiche (Rome, Collection de l’école française de Rome 67, 1983) 335-44

R. Mollo Mezzena, “Sabucina, recenti scavi nell’area fuori le mura,” in Atti del convegno Storia e archeologia della media e bassa valle dell’Himera (Palermo 1993) 137-82


Juliette de la Genière, “Alla ricerca di Segesta arcaica,” Annali di Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa 3rd ser. 18 (1988) 287-316


Greeks, Phoenicians, and natives in western Sicily

Pietrina Anello, “Il trattato del 405/4 a.C. e la formazione della ‘eparchia’ punica in Sicilia,” Kokalos 32 (1986) 115-79

——, “Rapporti dei Punici con Elimi, Sicani e Greci,” Kokalos 34/35 (1990-1991) 175-213

——, “Lo ‘stato’ elimo nel VI e V sec. a. C.,” in Seconde giornate internazionali di studi sull’area Elima, Atti I (Pisa-Gibellina 1997) 41-76

Sandro Bondì, “Penetrazione fenicio-punica e storia della civiltà punica in Sicilia,” in La Sicilia antica I.1. Indigeni, Fenici-Punici e Greci, ed. Emilio Gabba and Georges Vallet (Naples 1980) 163-225

——, “Gli Elimi e il mondo fenicio-punico,” in Gli elimi e l’area elima, ed. Giuseppe Nenci, Sebastiano Tusa, and Vincenzo Tusa (Palermo 1988/89) 133-44

——, “Contributi alla storia della Sicilia fenicio-punica,” Kokalos 34/35 (1988-1989b) 407-425

Franco De Angelis, Megara Hyblaia and Selinous: The Development of Two Greek City-States in Archaic Sicily (Oxford 2002)

Luigi Gallo, “Alcune considerazioni sulla demografia degli Elimi,” Annali di Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa 3rd ser. 24 (1994) 19-29

——, “Per un riesame dei rapporti tra Segesta e Selinunte,” in Terze giornate internazionali di studi sull’area Elima, Atti I (Pisa-Gibellina 2000) 517-31

Stefano Vassallo, “Abitati indigeni ellenizati della Sicilia centro-occidentale dalla vitalità tardo-arcaica alla crisi del V sec. a.C.,” in Terze Giornate internazionali di Studi sull’area elima, Atti II (Pisa-Gibellina 2000) 985-1008


State formation

Jack Goldstone, Revolution and Rebellion in the Early Modern World (Berkeley 1991)

George Steinmetz, ed., State/Culture: State-Formation After the Cultural Turn (Ithaca, NY, 1999)

Michael Braddick, State-Formation in Early Modern England, c. 1550-1700 (Cambridge 2000)



Francesca Spatafora, “La ceramica indigena a decorazione impressa e incisa nella Sicilia centro-occidentale: diffusione e pertinenza etnica,” Sicilia Archeologica 29 (1996) 91-110

Caterina Trombi, “La ceramica indigena dipinta della Sicilia dalla seconda metà del IX sec. a. C. al V sec. a. C.,” in Magna Grecia e Sicilia: stato degli studi e prospettive di ricerca, ed. M. Barra Bagnasco, E. De Miro, and A. Pinzone (Messina 1999) 275-93

Di Noto, C. A. 1995. “La ceramica indigena a decorazione geometrica incisa ed impressa.” In Giuseppe Nenci, ed., Entella I: 77-110. Pisa: Scuola Normale Superiore.



Anne Cordsen, “The pastas house in archaic Greek Sicily,” Acta Hyperborea 6 (1995) 103-121

Francesco D’Andria and Katia Mannino, eds., Ricerche sulla casa in Magna Graecia e Sicilia (Lecce 1996)

H-P. Isler, D. Käch, and O. Stefani, eds., Wohnbauforschung in Zentral- und Westsizilien (Zurich 1997)

Lisa Nevett, House and Society in the Ancient Greek World (Cambridge 1999)



Ilaria Romeo, “Sacelli arcaici senza peristasi nella Sicilia greca,” Xenia 17 (1989) 5-54

Anthony Snodgrass, “Interaction by design: the Greek city-states,” in Colin Renfrew and John Cherry, eds., Peer Polity Interaction and the Development of Socio-Cultural Complexity (Cambridge 1986) 47-58



V. Alliata, O. Belvedere, A. Cantoni, G. Cusimano, P. Maresalchi, and Stefano Vassallo, Himera III: prospezione archeologica nel territorio (Rome 1988).

O. Belvedere “Prospezione archeologica nella valle d’Imera.” Kokalos 34/35 (1988/89) 659-68

Sandra Bernardini, Franco Cambi, Alessandra Molinari, and Ilaria Neri, “Il territorio di Segesta fra l’età arcaica e il medioevo,” in Terze giornate internazionali di studi sull’area Elima, Atti I (Pisa-Gibellina 2000) 91-133

R. Bianchi, R. M. Cavalli, F. Colosi, M. C. Conti, C. M. Marino, S. Pignatti, S. Pino, M. Poscolieri, L. Versino, and C. Zoppi, Selinunte IV (Rome 1998).

Maria Giovanna Canzanella, “Primi dati di ricognizione al suolo nella regione di Entella,” in Giornate internazionali di studi sull’area Elima, Atti I (Pisa-Gibellina 1992)151-72

Jeremy Johns, “Monreale survey: l’insediamento umano nell’alto Belice dall’età paleolitica al 1250 d. C.,” in Seconde giornate internazionali di studi sull’area Elima, Atti I (Pisa-Gibellina 1997) 407-420

Francesca Spatafora, “L’alta e media valle del Belice tra la media del Età del Bronzo e l’età arcaica,” Kokalos 42 (1996) 177-98

——, “Ricerche e prospezioni nel territorio di Corleone: insediamenti preistorici e centri indigeni,” in Seconde gionate internazionali di studi sull’ area elima, Atti III (Pisa-Gibellina 1997) 1273-86

Stefano Vassallo, “Il territorio di Himera in età arcaica,” Kokalos 42 (1996) 199-223

Michael Kolb and Sebastiano Tusa, “The Late Bronze Age and Early Iron Age landscape of interior western Sicily,” Antiquity 75 (2001) 503-504

Leah Stevens-Block and Pierfrancesco Vecchio, “Landscape analysis of rural valley settlement patterns in western Sicily.” Paper delivered at the 67th annual meeting of the Society for American Archaeology, Denver, Colorado, March 23rd, 2002



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