Mexican Drug Trade

By Derek Shanahan, Kevin Koitz

I walk into a world of depravation and poverty. The relatively clean pavement streets turn to garbage and bacteria-infested cesspools. Without much consideration, it becomes agonizingly clear how drugs can be exported with such facility to the United States. A somber emotion takes hold of me as I realize one of the principle elements in the downfall of American culture remains in a steady flow from Mexico because of inferior border control and intricate methods being practiced by Mexican drug Cartels. Clearly then, through a consideration of the ever-broadening Mexican drug distribution patterns into the United States, one can clearly deduce that Mexico has joined Colombia in assuming a major role in the distribution of cocaine and methamphetamines into the United States through intricate drug trafficking techniques and the influence of high-powered cartels.

Drug traffickers throughout Mexico are positioned in a unique state regarding the United States for they are slowly, yet incessantly, becoming the major distributors of the most commonly abused drugs in the United States. This "poison distribution" takes shape in four primary forms: methamphetamine, heroin, cocaine, and marijuana. The numbers are dumbfounding. Nearly 70% of the cocaine exported to the United States comes from Mexico, as well as 5% of the heroin. On a more profound level, DEA reports found that out of "some 820 to 855 metric tons of cocaine" produced throughout the world, "303 metric tons were seized worldwide, leaving between 517 and 552 tons of cocaine." Of course it is impossible to pinpoint exact figures, but the DEA estimates that of the "300 tons of cocaine that entered the United States in 1994," 200 tons of this immense load entered through Mexico.

So, why is so easy to transport these major drugs into the United States? The answer is a "2,000 mile porous border" between the two countries, where the majority of the criminal activity in Mexico persists. This lucrative and debased trade has taken roots and been a staple of the border for many years. In fact, Mexico has had "an established record of poly-drug smuggling for nearly thirty years" with the quantity only rising with the continued emergence of "cross border familiar ties."

One of the most profound contributing factors in Mexico’s exponential increase in drug flow into the United States within the last five years resides in Mexican drug organizations as they "became the transportation agents for the Colombian organizations" and, in turn, "took over the responsibility for smuggling cocaine (one of the most lucrative illegal drugs) across the US border." The Mexican’s apparently implemented the knowledge they gained from their past experience in Marijuana and Heroin trafficking into this new lucrative movement with Columbia. This expertise and knowledge in the trade slowly escalated Mexico into the position as "the key transporters for the Colombians", and provided the Mexican’s with 50% of the profit in return for their "services."

Now the obvious inquiry is; who are exactly behind this large-scale distribution? It is not as though this movement is a collective effort from a myriad of small-time freelancers, but rather a dispersal of "large quantities of cocaine, methamphetamine, heroin, and marijuana into the United States on a daily basis" can be most readily attributed to organized crime groups. Known as "The Federation", this filth of society has become an even more dangerous entity. "These poly-drug trafficking groups operating in Mexico are no longer mere transporters for the Colombians." Rather they are using their own domestic recourses and, in doing so, have gained "an independent foothold in the lucrative cocaine whole sale business in the United States." This trade has grown to such enormous proportions that the four principle Mexican drug cartels have little economic reliance on their Colombian neighbors. In other words. The Colombians perhaps unknowingly helped facilitate a new drug powerhouse. This truth is well illustrated by DEA testimony in which it was said; "the Cali Mafia and the Mexican Federation make previous organized crime syndicates that operated in the United States look like schoolchildren by comparison."

The intricate "smuggling corridors" and "inroads" that have allowed the Federation to move "tons of cocaine" have also impelled them to "dominate the US methamphetamine trade." "Outlaw motorcycle gangs" almost solely inhabited this distribution, in its less abundant periods. However this free lance era slowly dissipated as the federation gained more and more influence in Mexico. In addition to the methamphetamine trade in its most complete form, Mexico also holds a monopoly on the distribution of the separate chemicals used in the manufacturing of methamphetamines. Fortunately for Mexican drug lords, this monopoly has become a lucrative endeavor in Southern California as it has become "the drug of choice" in this diverse region. So do we all feel the consequences of drug distribution from Mexico on a most fundamental level? It seems like all students here at Stanford University could answer that question with facility for there is without a doubt a constant current of methamphetamines throughout most of the universities in California. As the DEA report shows, "methamphetamine has become the drug of choice in parts of California, and is on its way to becoming the drug of choice in many U.S. cities in the West and Southwest." Of course the ramifications of the Mexican methamphetamine trade are not confined the southwest region; rather "methamphetamine use and criminal ties to Mexican organizations are now evident in areas as diverse as Iowa, Florida and Georgia." Perhaps "ramifications" is not an efficacious enough word to elucidate the effects of this specific drug expansion. DEA reports show that there have been "dramatic increases in methamphetamine related deaths in cities such as Los Angeles and Phoenix" as depicted in the rise of methamphetamine deaths in Phoenix from "20 in 1992 to 122 in 1994, and Los Angeles hike from "99 deaths in 1992 to 219 in 1994."

The United States is now inundated with the following dilemma: covert laboratories inhabited by men and women with extensive knowledge of the synthesis of methamphetamines with the deadly combination of close ties with members of "the Federation." This volatile collaboration offers an immense pitfall for United States investigators as the "highly volatile laboratories" are "frequently rigged with explosives or booby traps." This is well illustrated by an occurrence last December "when a suspect clan lab exploded in California, killing three children. Moreover, "The reckless discarding of the chemicals used to make the methamphetamines" not only increases the volatility of the labs, but they also pose grave environmental concerns.

The methamphetamine trade has grown so profoundly out of proportion in the ladder half of this decade that it has become veritably impossible to gauge the amount of it being exported into the United States. Methamphetamine seizures alone "in Mexico have risen from a negligible amount in 1992" to an astounding "495 kilograms in 1995." Along the border of Mexico, the figures are even more staggering with rise from "6.5 kilograms in 1992 to 665 kilograms in 1995."

Through this initial consideration, one must not ignore another considerable component of the Mexican/United States drug trade that magnifies the horrifying numbers to an even greater multitude. The principle chemical in the production of methamphetamine, ephedrine, is being exported into the United States at an uncontrollable rate as depicted in an estimated 170 metric tons being dispersed "from June of 1993 through December of 1994." The estimated amount of methamphetamine produced from this vast output from Mexico equates to approximately 50% of the methamphetamines distributed throughout California.

Clearly then, we see that Mexico has developed its own sustainable, highly lucrative, and abundant drug trade into the United States through wealthy Mexican cartels who began to win influence through their allegiance with Colombian drug cartels. Through a closer inspection of these relatively New Mexican entities, one can clearly deduce that "the Federation" has overwhelming influence that has grown to such proportions that the stymieing of the drug trade has become nearly impossible.

The first of the four principle Mexican drug organizations that comprises the Federation is called the Tijuana Organization headed by the Arellano-Felix brothers, "Benjamin, Francisco and Ramon". Rooted in Tijuana, this group unarguably holds the most influential role in the drug exportation into the United States with a most ruthless disposition. DEA reports cite that the cartel "controls the vast majority of drug smuggling activities across the border to California", while, at the same time, holding the crown as " the most violent of the Mexican drug organizations." This truth is further illustrated in the DEA’s findings that the this association has "been connected by Mexican authorities to the killing of Cardinal Juan Jesus Posadas-Ocampo at the Guadalajara Airport." This fierce tendency of violent activity did not cease at the murder of a Cardinal, rather it escalated to international proportions as we are reminded of just how "activities controlled at their source in Mexico by these violent organizations result in violent drug-related acts on the streets of the United States." Perhaps a microcosm of this universal truth is well depicted in 1993 "turf battle" over methamphetamine in San Diego between a local drug organization and members of the Tijuana Cartel which resulted in 26 deaths throughout that summer. Clearly then, we see that violence within the Federation is not contained in a domestic domain.

For a plethora of years the universal question has been how do we rid society of the cartels. The answer lies in an old analogy that states if you want to kill a dragon, you must first cut off his head. This allegorical statement was a staple for the US government in its attempts to derail early 1980s precursors to the cartels that ultimately formed "The Federation". Simply stated, the government made great efforts to arrest and hence decapacitate the most important figures in the Tijuana cartel. The hopes were that if the organizers were rendered impotent, then the cartel would slowly disintegrate. These fervent efforts of the late eighties are well demonstrated by two isolated government efforts to detain the most powerful and instrumental members of the Tijuana cartel. On May 2, 1989, for instance, Benjamin Arellano-Felix was detained and later indicted on charges of "continuing criminal enterprise, which involved the importation and distribution of cocaine." Despite fervent efforts from the government and constant newspaper reports that the public in the streets of Mexico City had seen him, officials have failed to convict him of the charges. Similarly, in 1990, Felix’s brother, Francisco Rafael Arellano-Felix was indicted in San Diego on "conspiracy to possess cocaine charges." Although, Francisco has been brought to justice, it has not been due to a conviction of the charges in the United States, but rather gun possession charges in Mexico. Many attribute the United State’s impotency in convicting Francisco to "the prohibition against extraditing Mexican fugitives to the United States."

The Sonara Cartel is the second component of "The Federation". This brutal organization’s strength resides in its transience as a result of a multitude of hubs of operation including "Hermosillo, Agua Prieta, Guadalajara, and Culiacan, as well as Mexican states of San Luis Potosi, Sinaloa, and Sonora." The Sonora Cartel is headed by Miguel Caro Quintero as well as his brother Rafael, who is well known for his frequent violent endeavors. This truth is well depicted in his "torture and murder of DEA Special Agent Enrique Camarena" in 1994. Fortunately, Rafael is serving time in a Mexican prison for this inhumane act and is not scheduled for parole for another twenty years. On the flip side of this abstraction, there are few that believe that Rafael will serve full time. It is a well-known fact that in Mexico money has the greatest voice in Mexican politics and men like Rafael and Miguel reign free as a staple of the Mexican community.

The Sonora Cartel has more complexity in its trade routes than the Tijuana organization as depicted in the group’s smuggling trajectories which "extend into California, Arizona, Texas, and Nevada." Although they have slowly become self-sufficient, one of the most dangerous components of the Sonora cartel is its "direct connections to major Colombian organizations" which has severely increased the amplitude of illegal drugs being dispersed into the United States. Although this enormous flow has failed to cease in the last ten years of this organization's existence, the US criminal system has not stood by idle. They made an attempt to indict Miguel Caro Quintero on the grounds of "continuing criminal enterprises in relation to the shipment" of 2 tons of cocaine from Mexico to Arizona. Despite these vehement attempts along with two other attempts in Colorado for "racketeering and possession with intent to distribute cocaine", Miguel still "remains a fugitive."

The Juarez Cartel is unique in the respect that it still primarily functions as a distributor for the large Colombian cartels. The ringleader of this edifice of anarchy is Amado Carrillo Fuentes, known as the "most powerful figure in the Mexican drug trade." The profound danger in this association lies in its direct association "with the Rodriguez-Orejuela drug Mafia in Cali, Colombia, and through a cousin to the Ochoa Brothers of Medellin as well."

In the dawning era of this organization, The Juarez cartel primarily acted as a shipping agent for the more powerful and influential Colombian cartel. The most fundamental mechanism of distribution was a "727-type aircraft" used to "fly drugs from Colombia to Mexico, and to move drugs from regional bases in Guadalajara, Hermosillo and Torreon." The extent of the Juarez cartel expansion in the late eighties is well illustrated in a 1989 seizure in Sylmar, California, in which the DEA turned up "over 21 metric tons of cocaine and twelve million dollars." What is even more dumfounding are the ledgers that the DEA seized as well which revealed the distribution of 70 tons of cocaine.

Carillo Fuentes is one of the most wanted men in the United States as well as Mexico and has been the "subject of 26 separate DEA investigations in the United States and Mexico." These indictments include a 1993 charge in Dallas, Texas on "possession and conspiracy to possess cocaine" and a similar charge in Miami "for conspiracy to distribute marijuana" in 1988. Unfortunately, like most of the powerful drug lords throughout the world, he still remains a fugitive.

The last piece in the puzzle that is "The Confederation" is the Gulf Group headed by Juan Garcia Abrego and "based in Matamoros, Tamualipas State." This group’s distribution circle lies in the Midwest and Mid-Atlantic regions of the United States as depicted in the DEA’s contention that the Gulf Group’s distribution zone lies "in the United States as far north as Michigan, New Jersey, and New York." The most definitive example of the Gulf groups distribution is a 1993 DEA report which found that "this group had smuggled cocaine into the United states in excess of 30 metric tons" with a street value of nearly 500 million dollars. In this abundance, it became a priority for the DEA and the Mexican authorities to derail this organization by whatever means were necessary. Attempts to indict prominent members of the group have been common and numerous as depicted in "early October 1994" when "Mexican authorities arrested Juan’s brother Humberto on money laundering charges." Of course, this one indictment has not been the full extent of derailment efforts, illustrated by the prosecution and subsequent arrest of Juan Garcia Abrego on January 14^th, 1996. In one of the most promising legal efforts geared towards the derailment of drug trafficking into the United States, Garcia was subsequently expelled "to the United States and arrested on a federal warrant from Texas charging him with conspiracy to import cocaine and the management of a continuing criminal enterprise."

Clearly then, we see that Mexican drug cartels have assumed massive roles in the drug distribution in the United States. The question now is what else can be done to contain an already rampant and chaotic problem. Although American and Mexican authorities have made some strides in stymieing the drug flow, there are still many complex steps to be made. In other words, the problem has become so complex that the process must be dissected one element at a time to ameliorate the profound problem.

So what can be done? Of course there are many different ways to approach solving the drug problem. However, there are also many diverse obstacles. Having dealt with the Colombian drug smugglers for over two decades, the United States can draw on failures and successes to improve the result with Mexico. There are many aspects of this problem that could be corrected rather quickly, and some that might take a longer period of time. The real danger is that the American public will accept the few arrests and seizures that have been made, and become complacent. Up to this point, men like Rafael Caro Quintero and indictments of men like Benjamin Arellano-Felix seem to satisfy the public. However, these are small steps in a long battle. There are still many different problems to be fixed, and the few arrests made are unimportant in the big picture.

The Mexican drug cartels have gained so much power in the last decade that they have gained the ability to infiltrate the government and commercial institutions. Their newfound wealth has allowed them to spread corruption just as the Colombian cartels have maintained in their country. Corruption is the most crucial struggle that faces the enemies of drug smuggling. Mexico needs to mirror the efforts that the United States have made to battle corruption on our own soil. The US relies on "strict internal inspection and integrity controls and generally well-paid officials." Further, the US implements specific laws that address the issue. Our "grand jury and prosecutorial system…reinforces the desire and need for rooting out corruption in the law enforcement services." The Mexican government is in dire need of the same measures. The situation in Mexico is actually benefiting to the money-loaded drug traffickers. Mexican police are very low paid officials, and usually just do not have the training to combat the intricate and complicated drug corporations. They also lack the resources to monitor and seize the drugs themselves. There are many examples of corruption in the Mexican government. In 1995 a large cargo plane was discovered near Todo Los Santos reportedly transporting up to 17 tons of cocaine from Columbia. The plane had apparently been off loaded "with the assistance of local Mexican Federal and State Police." Over 20 arrests were made. All of them were Federal and State officials. Examples like these are common, and giving them all would be futile.

As if the above were not enough, the Mexican law actually limits the police in their attempts to stifle the drug situation. In Mexico, wire-taps are illegal and conspiracy laws do not exist. Police can not use confidential informants, and there is no way to protect witnesses if they come forward. Further, in Mexico money laundering is not a criminal offense. There is no way to stay ahead of a technologically advanced machine like the Mexican drug cartels. With unlimited money and power, any limits on the police need be removed. Otherwise no progress can be made. Electronic surveillance and informants were absolutely crucial in the United States making progress against organized crime. Further, the infrastructure between US and Mexican drug enforcement units are not appropriate for the battle they face. The exchange of intelligence information is largely incomplete and useless, and must be improved.

On the opposite side of the drug smuggling effort is the money that must be moved back and forth. The problem, again, is the ease with which this is done. The most popular method for getting large sums of money from the US to Mexican drug lords is to conceal US dollars and transport them, often by plane, over the border, often in the same vehicles used to transport the drugs. Mexican banks, once the money has crossed the border, are very lax in filing suspicious transaction reports, so large sums of money are easily absorbed into the financial sector, and no problems arise. Once in the bank, money can be transferred virtually anywhere in the world. There is no way for law enforcement to even start to seize or weed out these illegal proceeds, without the support of Mexican legislature. Until better legislation is passed, this issue will continue to be a large concern in the drug war.

In conclusion, there is a very possible, yet complicated, solution to the problem of Mexican-American drug trade. It involves all of the issues addressed above. Mexican drug smuggler have the potential to be every bit as powerful and insidious as their Colombian "founders." There needs to be tougher law enforcement with the resources and skills to match their enemy. Measures must be taken, both in legislature and on the streets, to target and arrest major drug traffickers while seizing their products. The laws must restrict money laundering and allow for the extradition of traffickers to the United States to suffer at the hands of our law. Further, the border must be increasingly monitored, with more DEA Special Agents present at the Southwest Border, and increased resources in the area. Some of these measures have begun, and all must be improved and intensified. The drug trade will continue to plague the Mexican and American cultures until the Federation and its cohorts are destroyed.