MAKING SENSE OF SOFTWARE:
Computer Games and Interactive Textuality
by Ted Friedman
Included in Community in Cyberspace, ed. Steve Jones (Sage Publications,
1994). Introduction
Contemporary theories of literature and film have worked hard to "liberate
the reader" from the shackles of authorial intent and textual determinism
(See, for example, Fish, 1980; Tompkins, 1980; Freund, 1987; Allen, 1992).
Today, it practically goes without saying within the discourse of cultural
theory that no text exists until it is engaged by a subject - that textuality
is always an interactive, creative process.
But while critics in the humanities have grown more and more bold in proclaiming
the reader's power over the images on a printed page or celluloid strip,
few have paid much attention to the emergence of new media which call into
question the very categories of author, reader, and text. (An important
exception is the pioneering work of David Myers, to which I shall refer
throughout this essay.) Interactive software - computer games, hypertext,
even "desktop" programs and databases - connect the oppositions
of "reader" and "text," of "reading" and
"writing," together in feedback loops that make it impossible
to distinguish precisely where one begins and the other ends. Recognizing
a reader's changing expectations and reactions as a linear text unfolds
is one thing; but how do we talk about textual interactions in which every
response provokes instantaneous changes in the text itself, leading to
a new response, and so on? The answer is, not very clearly, yet. While
the humanities have theoretical accounts to explain the workings of literature,
film, and television, as yet there is no "software theory." Hypertext:
A Limited Paradigm
The one form of interactive computer texts that has been explored in some
depth by cultural theorists is hypertext (See, for example, Landow, 1992;
Delany and Landow, 1991; Barrett, 1989). Hypertext is software which allows
many different texts to be linked, so that simply clicking a mouse on a
key word brings up a new related document. It can be used to create fiction
with myriad forking paths, or to organize concordances and footnotes which
don't simply supply page numbers, but instantaneously call up whole documents,
each of which in turn can be linked to other documents.
But emphasizing hypertext as the model for interactive computer texts traps
software theory in traditional notions of textuality. The hypertext reader
simply navigates through a network of choices, like a person flipping around
in a book by consulting the index. Certainly, the possibility that this
book may be thousands of pages, and part of a series of thousands of volumes,
opens up incredible opportunities. But however great the database, the
hypertext reader's choices are still limited by the finite number of links
created by the hypertext author or authors. The constant feedback between
player and computer in a computer game is a far more complex interaction
than this simple networking model. And computers' graphics and sound capabilities,
along with joystick and point-and-click interfaces, make reading an even
more tenuous analogy. While in one stage of development computer games
like Infocom's Zork series may have simply been "interactive fiction"
in which players read sentences and typed responses, computer games today
often need little or no written text at all.
This does not mean that computer game-playing is a transparent activity
- far from it, as any hapless Nintendo novice can attest. Rather, like
becoming teleliterate, learning how to play computer games is a process
of learning a distinct semiotic structure. To some extent, this language,
like that of Classical Hollywood narrative, carries over from one text
to the next; initiates can finish one game and comfortably move on to the
next one, particularly if they remain in the same genre. But in some ways,
every new computer game is its own world, a distinct semiotic system, and
it is the very process of learning (or conquering) that system which drives
interest in the game. Every game typically requires a "learning curve"
while the user grows familiar to the new interface and the logic of the
program. It is when the game's processes appear transparent, when the player
can easily win the game, that the game loses its appeal.
Hypertext seems to me a transitional genre particularly appealing to literary
academia because it dresses up traditional literary study with postmodern
multimedia flash. Concentrating on an account of hypertext to explain interactive
computer texts is like basing film studies on the genre of screenplays,
without looking at the movies themselves; what is needed is an analysis
rooted in the distinct qualities of this new kind of interaction between
viewer and text. Computer Games
If we wish to move beyond familiar paradigms and look at software which
has developed truly new forms of reader-text interaction, it seems clear
to me the place to start is computer games.
Playing games on computers was first made possible by the introduction
of minicomputers in the late 1950s. Freed from the IBM punch card bureaucracy,
programmers for the first time were able to explore the possibilities opened
up by hands-on interaction with computers. Games were among the first programs
attempted by the original "hackers," undergraduate members of
MIT's Tech Model Railroad Club. The result, in 1962, was the collaborative
development of the first computer game: Spacewar, a basic version of what
would become the Asteroids arcade game, played on a $120,000 DEC PDP-1.
(Levy, 1984; Wilson, 1992; Laurel, 1993) Computer designer Brenda Laurel
points out this early recognition of the centrality of computer games as
models of human-computer interaction: Why was Spacewar the "natural"
thing to build with this new technology? Why not a pie chart or an automated
kaleidoscope or a desktop? Its designers identified action as the key ingredient
and conceived Spacewar as a game that could provide a good balance between
thinking and doing for its players. They regarded the computer as a machine
naturally suited for representing things that you could see, control, and
play with. Its interesting potential lay not in its ability to perform
calculations but in its capacity to represent action in which humans could
participate (Laurel, 1993, p. 1).
As computers became more accessible to university researchers through the
1960s, several genres of computer games emerged. Chess programs sophisticated
enough to defeat humans were developed. The first computer role-playing
game, Adventure, was written at Stanford in the 1960s: by typing short
phrases, the player could communicate commands to the computer in order
to manipulate a character through various settings and solve puzzles. And
in 1970 Scientific American columnist Martin Gardner introduced Americans
to LIFE, a simulation of cellular growth patterns written by British mathematician
John Conway which became the first "software toy," an addictively
open-ended model of systemic development designed to be endlessly tinkered
with and enjoyed (Levy, 1984; Wilson, 1992).
The 1970s, of course, saw the birth of the video arcade, the home video
game system, and the personal computer. By the early 1980s, computer game
software production had become an industry (Wilson, 1992). And in the past
ten years, as personal computers' capacities have rapidly expanded, computer
games have continued to develop, offering increasingly detailed graphics
and sounds, growing opportunities for multiple-player interaction via modems
and on-line services, and ever-more sophisticated simulation algorithms.
According to Computer Gaming World, as of 1992, "about 4000 computer
games have been published over the last 10 years," not to mention
thousands more public domain games (Wilson, 1992). These products range
from arcade-style games emphasizing hand-eye coordination, to role-playing
games adding graphics and sound to the Adventure formula, to simulation
games in which players oversee the growth and development of systems ranging
from cities to galaxies to alternate life-forms. In all, CGW divides the
contemporary field into seven genres: action/arcade, adventure, role-playing
adventure, simulation, sports, strategy, and war. Within these categories,
of course, there remains much overlap. An empire- building game like Civilization,
for example, rests somewhere between a wargame and a simulation, while
many adventure games contain arcade-style interludes. (See Myers, 1989,
for a more extensive discussion of computer game genres.) The Computer
Gaming Subculture
Or course, academia's neglect of computer games hardly means that games
have gone untheorized. Among the people who design and play computer games,
the poetics and possibilities of computer games have been a subject of
continuous discussion. The magazine Computer Gaming World is the self-conscious
organ of the computer game industry and subculture, publishing game previews,
reviews, strategy tips, and periodic essays on the state of computer games.
It takes its role at the connection between the hard-core computer game
market and the computer game industry very seriously. It thoroughly covers
the computer game industry, and publishes abstracts from technical programming
essays in the Journal of Computer Game Design. Every issue also ranks the
Top 100 current games and Top 10 in each genre, based on continuous reader
polling (each issue contains a ballot card). This interaction with readers
continues not only through the mail, but on-line as well. The Prodigy service
runs a daily column by the editors of Computer Gaming World, and the editors
regularly scan the gaming forum and respond to bulletins posted there.
The intense dialogue fostered by Computer Gaming World and other forums
within the computer gaming industry and subculture has led to the formulation
of a computer game canon (a Hall of Fame printed in every issue of CGW
and archived on Prodigy) and several provisional theories of computer gaming.
These discussions are to my mind the most successful theorizations to date
of interactive computer texts. Computer Games as "Interactive Cinema"
One prominent strand of thought within the computer gaming subculture is
to describe the computer game industry as "The New Hollywood."1
This analogy has its roots in the changing economics of entertainment production.
Over the last few years, Hollywood studios have flocked to Silicon Valley
to gain access to the latest computer- generated special-effects techniques,
and to position themselves to be able to produce the kind of interactive
entertainment to come in the 500-channel future.
The "New Hollywood" analogy serves as a helpful model for understanding
the process of computer game design. Although in the industry's infancy
it was possible for one programmer to write and market a game single-handedly,
today computer game production is a complex collaborative process among
many specialists. The introduction screens for contemporary games read
like movie credits, listing producers, programmers, artists, musicians,
and even, in the newer games with digitized images and recorded dialogue,
actors. At the top of the credits are the designers, the equivalent to
movie directors. In the computer gaming world, designers like Ultima's
Lord British, King's Quest's Roberta Williams, and SimCity's Will Wright
are respected as artists with unique personal visions.
The difference between the New Hollywood and the Old, according to the
analogy, is that computer games are "interactive cinema," in
which the game player takes on the role of the protagonist. This model
particularly fits adventure games such as Sierra On-Line's Leisure Suit
Larry and King's Quest series. And with the development of CD-ROM technology,
the fit seems even closer: much more data can now be stored on disk than
ever before, so that what the game player sees and hears approaches movie-quality.
The newest CD-ROM games replace the text that used to appear on the screen
with audio dialogue, often recorded by well-known actors. On the CD-ROM
version of Star Trek: The 25th Anniversary, for example, the dialogue is
spoken by the actual Star Trek cast. It isn't impossible to imagine the
day when a computer game might look indistinguishable from a film.
But while production values may have vastly improved since the days of
text-based "interactive fiction," the problem designers of contemporary
"interactive cinema" face remains the same: how to define "interactive"?
How can one give the player a sense of "control" over the game,
while still propelling the player through a compelling narrative? The solution,
dating back to Adventure and Zork, has always been to set up the game as
a series of puzzles. The player must muddle through the universe of the
game - exploring the settings, talking to the characters, acquiring and
using objects - until she or he has accomplished everything necessary to
trigger the next stage of the plot. In the process, the player is expected
to regularly make mistakes, die, and restart the game in a previously saved
position. (The film Groundhog Day perfectly captures this "oh no,
not again" exasperation.) Out of the flaws in this system, a whole
cottage industry of hint books, 900-numbers, and bulletin boards has developed,
to help players stuck halfway through their adventures.
The idea of computer "role-playing" emphasizes the opportunity
for the gamer to identify with the character on the screen - the fantasy
is that rather than just watching the protagonist, one can actually be
her or him. But while classical Hollywood cinema is designed in every way
to allow one to "lose oneself" in the fantasy onscreen, the stop-and-go
nature of the puzzle-solving paradigm makes it very hard to establish the
same level of psychic investment. While adventure games can be a lot of
fun, even the best of them can't really deliver what they promise. As Computer
Gaming World's adventure/role playing game columnist Scorpia complained
in 1992, There is an increasing undercurrent of dissatisfaction among game-
players. Yes, the pictures are beautiful, the music is orchestral- quality,
the interface simple and easy to use, but when the game is finished, there
isn't so much feeling of satisfaction with it. Rather, one has the impression
that the game was only a vehicle for displaying the virtuosity of artists
and composers (p. 56).
A second option in designing "interactive cinema" is to make
the game more like hypertext: rather than railroading the player through
a predetermined story line, the game could simply present a series of choices,
each branching out into new possibilities, like the children's book series
Choose Your Own Adventure. Up until now, this approach has been rarely
attempted in computer games, probably for economic reasons: it didn't seem
practical to create scenes and characters the player may never get around
to seeing. (A notable exception was Infocom's unsuccessful late-1980s Infocomics
series (Wilson, 1992).) Now that CD-ROMs open up the opportunity for far
more data to be available in a game, however, it appears that this possibility
is beginning to be explored again. The publicity for the most recent edition
in the King's Quest series, King's Quest VI, emphasizes that "every
choice you make affects your future options and the attitudes and actions
of characters you encounter. Depending on your skills and the decisions
you make, your adventure can follow dozens of different storylines, with
nearly half of the possible events optional" (Interaction, 1993).
But a hypertext model of "interactive cinema" still does little
to give the player a sense of real autonomy; the choices remain a limited
set of pre-defined options.2 This certainly increases the complexity of
the game: the linear narrative becomes a web, giving the gamer the opportunity
to explore the ramifications of various options and map out the game's
network of forking paths. But whether a single plot or a network of choices,
the world of the game remains as predetermined as that of any film or novel.
All of this is not to say that computer gaming is inherently a more distanced,
alienating form of interaction than watching a movie; far from it, as we
shall see. But, ironically, those games modeled upon cinema are likely
to be the least involving. Hamstrung by the demands of traditional narrative,
these games operate under a limited model of computer interaction as a
series of distinct decisions. As a result, they don't begin to take advantage
of the opportunities for constant interaction and feedback between player
and computer the way other forms of computer games can. As science fiction
writer and computer game critic Orson Scott Card argues, . . . what every
good game author eventually has to learn . . . is that computers are a
completely different medium, and great computer artworks will only come
about when we stop judging computer games by standards developed for other
media. . . . You want to do the rebuilding of Atlanta after the war? SimCity
does it better than either the book or the movie of Gone With the Wind.
. . . [What the computer] does well, it does better than any other medium
that ever existed (Card, February 1991, p. 54). SimCity: The "Software
Toy" Ideal
The game to which Card refers, SimCity, is a simulation which allows the
player to orchestrate the building and development of a city. The success
of SimCity demonstrates the surprisingly compelling power of a particular
kind of human-computer interaction very different from either hypertext
or "interactive cinema."
SimCity actually didn't start off as a simulation game. As the game's creator,
Will Wright, explains, SimCity evolved from Raid on Bungling Bay, where
the basic premise was that you flew around and bombed islands. The game
included an island generator, and I noticed after a while that I was having
more fun building islands than blowing them up. About the same time, I
also came across the work of Jay Forrester, one of the first people to
ever model a city on a computer for social-sciences purposes. Using his
theories, I adapted and expanded the Bungling Bay island generator, and
SimCity evolved from there (Wright, quoted in Reeder, 1992, p. 26). Nervous
that the product Wright came up with would appear too "educational,"
distributors Broderbund took extra steps on SimCity's release in 1987 to
make sure it would be perceived as a game, adding "disaster"
options and prepackaged scenarios - earthquakes, nuclear meltdowns, even
an attack from Godzilla. But as a 1989 Newsweek article on the game points
out, "these are excess baggage" (Barol, p. 64). What turned SimCity
into a giant software hit, spawning numerous bootlegs, imitations, and
spin-offs (including SimEarth, SimAnt, SimLife, SimFarm, SimHealth, and
most recently the sequel/update SimCity 2000), was the pleasure Wright
discovered in the simulation process itself.
Here's a description of the original game from a Maxis catalog: SimCity
makes you Mayor and City Planner, and dares you to design and build the
city of your dreams. . . . Depending on your choices and design skills,
Simulated Citizens (Sims) will move in and build homes, hospitals, churches,
stores and factories, or move out in search of a better life elsewhere
(Maxis Software Toys Catalog, 1992, p. 4). Beginning (in the basic scenario)
with an undeveloped patch of land and an initial development fund, the
player constructs a city by choosing where and what kind of power plants
to build, zoning industrial, commercial, and residential areas, laying
down roads, mass transit, and power lines, and building police stations,
fire departments, and eventually airports, seaports, and stadiums. And
so on; while playing the game eventually comes to feel entirely intuitive,
the system is quite complex, and the sequel SimCity 2000 offers even more
options.. Every action is assigned a price, and the player can only spend
as much money as he or she has in the city treasury. The treasury begins
at a base amount, then can be replenished yearly by taxes, the rate of
which is determined by the player. As the player becomes more familiar
with the system, she or he gradually develops strategies to encourage economic
growth, build up the population of the city, and score a higher "approval
rating" from the Sims. Which of these or other goals the player chooses
to pursue, however, is up to the individual; Maxis likes to refer to its
products as "Software Toys" rather than games, and insists, when
you play with our toys, you set your own goals and decide for yourself
when you've reached them. The fun and challenge of playing with our toys
lies in exploring the worlds you create out of your own imagination. You're
rewarded for creativity, experimentation, and understanding, with a healthy,
thriving universe to call your own (Maxis Software Toys Catalog, p. 10)
Expanding on the "Software Toy" ideal, Orson Scott Card argues
that the best computer games are those which provide the most open-ended
frameworks to allow players the opportunity to create their own worlds:
Someone at every game design company should have a full-time job of saying,
"Why aren't we letting the player decide that?" . . . When [designers]
let . . . unnecessary limitations creep into a game, gamewrights reveal
that they don't yet understand their own art. They've chosen to work with
the most liberating of media- and yet they snatch back with their left
hand the freedom they offered us with their right. Remember, gamewrights,
the power and beauty of the art of gamemaking is that you and the player
collaborate to create the final story. Every freedom that you can give
to the player is an artistic victory. And every needless boundary in your
game should feel to you like failure (Card, March 1991, p. 58). Computer
Gaming as Demystification
Of course, however much "freedom" computer game designers grant
players, any simulation will be rooted in a set of baseline assumptions.
SimCity has been criticized from both the left and right for its economic
model. It assumes that low taxes will encourage growth while high taxes
will hasten recessions. It discourages nuclear power, while rewarding investment
in mass transit. And most fundamentally, it rests on the empiricist, technophilic
fantasy that the complex dynamics of city development can be abstracted,
quantified, simulated, and micromanaged.3
These are not flaws in the game - they are its founding principles. They
can be engaged and debated, and other computer games can be written following
different principles. But there could never be an "objective"
simulation free from "bias;" computer programs, like all texts,
will always be ideological constructions.
The fear of some computer game critics, though, is that technology may
mask the constructedness of any simulation. Science fiction writer and
Byte magazine columnist Jerry Pournelle argues: The simulation is pretty
convincing -- and that's the problem, because . . . it's a simulation of
the designer's theories, not of reality. . . . [M]y point is not to condemn
these programs. Instead, I want to warn against their misuse. For all too
many, computers retain an air of mystery, and there's a strong temptation
to believe what the little machines tell us. ''But that's what the computer
says'' is a pretty strong argument in some circles. The fact is, though,
the computer doesn't say anything at all. It merely tells you what the
programmers told it to tell you. Simulation programs and games can be valuable
tools to better understanding, but we'd better be aware of their limits
(Pournelle, 1990).
While Pournelle's warnings are well taken, I think he overestimates the
mystifying power of technophilia. In fact, I would argue that computer
games reveal their own constructedness to a much greater extent than more
traditional texts. Pournelle asks that designers open up their programs,
so that gamers can "know what the inner relationships are." But
this is exactly what the process of computer game playing reveals. Learning
and winning (or, in the case of a non-competitive "software toy,"
"reaching one's goals at") a computer game is a process of demystification:
one succeeds by discovering how the software is put together. The player
molds her or his strategy through trial-and-error experimentation to see
"what works" - which actions are rewarded and which are punished.
Likewise, the extensive discourse on game strategy in manuals, magazines,
bulletin boards, and guides like The Official SimCity Planning Commission
Handbook and The SimEarth Bible does exactly what Pournelle asks, exposing
the "inner relationships" of the simulation to help players succeed
more fully.
Unlike a book or film which one is likely to encounter only once, a computer
game is usually played over and over. The moment it is no longer interesting
is the moment when all its secrets have been discovered, its limitations
exposed. Game designer and author Chris Crawford describes the hermeneutics
of computer games as fundamentally a process of deconstruction rather than
simple interpretation. David Myers observes, [A]ccording to Crawford, the
best measure of the success of a game is that the player learns the principles
behind that game "while discovering inevitable flaws in its design
. . . A game should lift the player up to higher levels of understanding"
(Myers, 1990, p. 27. Quote from Crawford, 1986, p. 16). Simulation and
Subjectivity
Playing SimCity is a very different experience from playing an adventure
game like King's Quest. The interaction between human and computer is constant
and intense. Gameplaying is a continuous flow - it can be very hard to
stop, because the player's always in the middle of dozens of different
projects: nurturing a new residential zone in one corner of the map, building
an airport in another, saving up money to buy a new power plant, monitoring
the crime rate in a particularly troubled neighborhood, and so on. Meanwhile,
the city is continually changing, as the simulation inexorably chugs forward
from one month to the next (unless the player puts the game on pause to
handle a crisis). By the time the player has made a complete pass through
the city, a whole new batch of problems and opportunities have developed.
If the pace of the city's development is moving too fast to keep up with,
the simulation can be slowed down (i.e., it'll wait longer in real-time
to move from one month to the next); if the player's waiting around for
things to happen, the simulation can be speeded up.
As a result, it's easy slide into a routine with absolutely no down-time,
no interruptions from complete communion with the computer. The game can
grow so absorbing, in fact, that players' subjective sense of time is distorted
(See Myers, 1992). Myers writes, "from personal experience and interviews
with other players, I can say it is very common to play these games for
eight or more hours without pause, usually through the entire first night
of purchase" (Myers, 1991, p. 343). You look up, and all of a sudden
it's morning.
It's very hard to describe what it feels like when one is "lost"
inside a computer game, precisely because at that moment one's sense of
self has been fundamentally transformed. Flowing through a continuous series
of decisions made almost automatically, hardly aware of the passage of
time, the player forms a symbiotic circuit with the computer, a version
of the cyborgian consciousness described by Donna Harraway in her influential
"Manifesto for Cyborgs" (1985). The computer comes to feel like
an organic extension of one's consciousness, and the player may feel like
an extension of the computer itself.
This isn't exactly the way the SimCity user's manual puts it. The manual
describes the player's role as a "combination Mayor and City Planner."
In Civilization, the player is referred to as "Chief," "Warlord,"
"Prince," "King," or "Emperor" (depending
on the skill level), and can adopt the names of various historical leaders
- Abraham Lincoln when playing the Americans, Genghis Khan when leading
the Mongols, and so on. But while these titles suggest that the gamer imagines
her or himself playing a specific "role" along the lines of the
"interactive cinema" model, the structures of identification
in simulation games are much more complex. Closer to the truth is the setup
in Populous, where the player is simply God - omnipotent (within the rules
of the game), omniscient, and omnipresent. While in some simulations explicitly
about politics, like Hidden Agenda and Crisis in the Kremlin, the player's
power and perspective is limited to that of a chief of state, in games
like SimCity the player is personally responsible for far more than any
one leader - or even an entire government - could ever manage. The player
directly controls the city's budget, economic and residential growth, transportation,
police and fire services, zoning, and even entertainment (the "Sims"
eventually get mad if you don't build them a stadium). While each function
is putatively within the province of government control, the game structure
makes the player identify as much with the roles of industrialist, merchant,
real estate agent, and citizen, as with those of Mayor or City Planner.
For example, in SimCity, the way a new area of town is developed is to
"zone" it. The player decides whether each parcel of land should
be marked for residential, industrial, or commercial use. The player can't
make the zones develop into thriving homes or businesses; that's determined
by the simulation, on the basis of a range of interconnected factors including
crime rate, pollution, economic conditions, power supply, and the accessibility
of other zones. If the player has set up conditions right, an empty residential
zone will quickly blossom into a high-rise apartment complex, raising land
values, adding tax money to the city's coffers, and increasing the population
of the city. If the zone isn't well-integrated into the city, it may stay
undeveloped, or degenerate into a crime-ridden slum.
But while the player cannot control the behavior putatively assigned to
the residents of the city - "the Sims" - the identification process
at the moment the player zones the city goes beyond simply seeing oneself
as "the Mayor," or even as the collective zoning commission.
The cost of zoning eats up a substantial portion of a city's budget - much
more than it would cost a real city. This is structurally necessary to
limit the player's ability to develop the city, so that building the city
is a gradual, challenging process (something close to a narrative, in fact).
The effect on gameplay is to see the process less as "zoning"
than as buying the land. Not to say that the gamer considers every SimCity
building to be owned by the government. But at the moment of zoning, the
gamer is playing the role not of mayor, but of someone else - homeowner,
landlord, or real estate developer, perhaps, in the case of a residential
zone.
We could see playing SimCity, then, as a constant shifting of identificatory
positions, depending on whether one is buying land, organizing the police
force, paving the roads, or whatever. This, I think, is part of what's
going on. But this model suggests a level of disjunction - jumping back
and forth from one role to the next - belied by the smooth, almost trance-like
state of gameplay.
Overarching these functional shifts, I think, is a more general state of
identification: with the city as a whole, as a single organism. Even putting
it this way, though, doesn't go to the root of the process, because "the
city" in question is a very different object from, say, the city of
New York. Except for those cases when gamers choose to recreate real cities,
no outside referent exists for the world on the computer screen. And while
the game visuals are cleverly iconic - tiny little houses, factories, and
mini-malls - they hardly evoke any "real" space the way a movie
set or even a written passage can. It is unlikely, I think, that the player
in the thick of the game takes the time to look at a residential district
and imagine a "real-life" city block.
Rather, for the gamer, the city exists in its own right, a substitute for
nothing else - a quintessentially postmodern "simulation" in
Baudrillard's sense, as "real" as any other representation, and
divorced from any need for a "real-world" referent (See Baudrillard,
1983). In this case, attempting to map "roles" onto the player's
on-screen identification misses the point. When a player "zones"
a land area, she or he is less identifying less with a "role"
- Mayor, industrialist, or whatever - than with a process. And the reason
that the decision, and the continuous series of decisions the gamer makes,
can be made so quickly and intuitively, is that the gamer has internalized
the logic of the program, so that the gamer is always able to anticipate
the results of her or his actions. "Losing oneself" in a computer
game means, in a sense, identifying with the simulation itself. Simulation
as Cognitive Mapping
In The Condition of Postmodernity David Harvey argues for the primacy of
spatialization in constructing cognitive frameworks: We learn our ways
of thinking and conceptualizing from active grappling with the spatializations
of the written word, the study and production of maps, graphs, diagrams,
photographs, models, paintings, mathematical symbols, and the like (Harvey,
1989, p. 206). He then points out the dilemma of making sense of space
under late capitalism: How adequate are such modes of thought and such
conceptions in the face of the flow of human experience and strong processes
of social change? On the other side of the coin, how can spatializations
in general . . . represent flux and change . . . ? (p. 206) Representing
flux and change is exactly what a simulation can do, by replacing the stasis
of 2- or 3- dimensional spatial models with a map that shifts over time
to reflect change. And this change is not simply the one-way communication
of a series of still images, but a continually interactive process. Computer
simulations bring the tools of narrative to mapmaking, allowing the individual
not simply to observe structures, but to become experientially immersed
in their logic.
Simulations may be our best opportunity to create what Fredric Jameson
calls "an aesthetic of cognitive mapping: a pedagogical political
culture which seeks to endow the individual subject with some new heightened
sense of its place in the global system" (Jameson, 1991, p. 54) Playing
a simulation means becoming engrossed in a systemic logic which connects
a myriad array of causes and effects. The simulation acts as a kind of
map-in-time, visually and viscerally (as the player internalizes the game's
logic) demonstrating the repercussions and interrelatedness of many different
social decisions. Escaping the prison-house of language which seems so
inadequate for holding together the disparate strands that construct postmodern
subjectivity, computer simulations provide a radically new quasi-narrative
form through which to communicate structures of interconnection.
Sergei Eisenstein hoped that the technology of montage could make it possible
to film Das Kapital. But the narrative techniques of Hollywood cinema developed
in a way which directs the viewer to respond to individuals rather than
abstract concepts. A computer game based on Das Kapital, on the other hand,
is easy to imagine. As Chris Crawford notes, (paraphrased by David Myers),
"game personalities are not as important as game processes - 'You
can interact with a process . . . Ultimately, you can learn about it'"
(Myers, 1990, p. 27. Quote from Crawford, 1986, p. 15). The Future: From
Interactive Textuality to CMC
One criticism often made of simulation games like SimCity is that they're
solipsistic "power trips," gratifying the gamer's desire to play
God. This is to some degree unfair - simulations are often played in groups,
particularly in educational settings. (SimCity is used as a pedagogical
tool in many Urban Studies classes.) But it is true that the absorbing
interaction between human and computer in simulation gaming tends to discourage
collaborative play.
Adventure games, by comparison, have always been more conducive to collaborative
playing, because of the stop-and-go nature of the gameplay. When you can't
get any further in a game until you solve a puzzle, the more minds the
better. Nonetheless, even the computer "role-playing" adventures
spun off from the Dungeons & Dragons universe have always been designed
primarily for solitaire play. (Theoretically, up to six players could each
control a different character, but in practice there's very little for
individual characters to do.) In part this has been to take advantage of
the particular power of human-computer interaction to substitute for interpersonal
interaction - if you can't find anyone to play D&D with, the computer
may be the next best thing. But it has also been the result of technical
limitations. The bottom line has always been that when there's only one
keyboard and one mouse, only one player can actually interact with the
computer at a time. Only arcade games have actually developed interfaces
to allow simultaneous play on a single set.
With the proliferation of modems and the growth of the Internet and other
on-line services, all this is beginning to change. Sierra's ImagiNation,
for example, allows players from across the country to join together to
play both traditional games like chess and bridge, and a D&D-style
role-playing adventure, The Shadow of Yserbius. How online interactivity
will affect computer game development is hard to tell. Will the accessibility
of human opponents make computer-generated opponents obsolete? Could it
be possible to design an online simulation game which transcends the solitaire
model, combining intense human-computer interactivity with computer-mediated
collaboration? Or is playing a simulation, like reading a book, just something
that has to be done alone?
These questions about a bunch of games may seem peripheral to the Big Issues
rolling down the Information Highway. But we should remember that the first
program the MIT hackers wrote on their new PDP-1 was Spacewar. Today, as
we experiment with ways to better communicate on the Internet, many of
the tropes of adventure gaming are being borrowed by new virtual spaces.
The first "MUD," short for "Multi-User Dungeon," was
invented in 1979 as an open-ended online fantasy world which role-players
could not only explore, but help build by creating new objects and rooms
(Rheingold, 1993, p. 151). Today, MUDs include not only Tolkeinesque lands
and Star Trek-based galaxies, but also communities like MediaMOO, a virtual
version of MIT's Media Laboratory where media researchers can get together
for "virtual drinks," or attend panels in virtual ballrooms.
The basic commands invented for text-based adventures - "move,"
"look," "talk," "ask," "get," and
so on - provide visitors with a range of interactive opportunities. And
the computer game traditions of thick textual description, playful role-playing,
and persistent exploration remain powerful imaginative tools at MediaMOO
for opening up computer- mediated communication beyond simply "chatting"
in real-time.
As data capacities increase and text-based virtual communities expand to
include sound and graphics, it's likely that computer games will continue
to have things to teach us about interacting both with software and each
other. Computer games, after all, are where we go to play with the future.4
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Biographical:
Ted Friedman is a doctoral student in the Graduate Program in Literature
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Notes
1. This widely-quoted phrase was coined by Electronic Arts exective Trip
Hawkins in the early 1980s (Wilson, 1992).
2. This version of "interactive cinema" is the most obvious possible
application of computer gaming to Hollywood product as new interactive
cable technology is introduced. It's the logical extension of the practice
of filming multiple endings to show to test audiences. What better way
to please everybody than to give each viewer the choice of a "happy"
or "sad" ending? But again, to limit our notions of interactivity
to this fixed-choice model - one that computers merely facilitate rather
than make possible - is to fail to recognize the unique possibilities for
interaction offered by computers. Perhaps a more exciting variation on
the Hollywood scenario would be to give the viewer access to all the shot
footage of a program, so that the viewer her or himself (with the facilitation
of a computer interface) could choose how to edit it into a narrative.
In this way, rather than being limited to a predetermined set of choices,
the viewer could have a sense of creative control.
3. Complaining about the pro-government "bias" of SimHealth,
a new game simulating the economics of health care reform, one critic speculates,
"maybe what we really need is an economic simulator called SimAdam
Smith: You turn it on and just leave it alone" (Moss, 1993). As we
shall see, however, it's not a simple step to equate the gamer with the
hand of government, even if she or he is putatively designated "SimMayor."
4. I would like to thank Robert Allen, Joseba Gabilondo, Kevin Jon Heller,
Norman Holland, Fredric Jameson, Henry Jenkins, Kate Lewis, Ann Maderer,
Janet Murray, and Janice Radway for helpful comments on earlier drafts
of this paper.