The Many Faces of Agreement

I Morphology, Semantics, and Agreement

• 1.1 Introduction
• 1.2 Theoretical and scholarly background
• 1.3 Types of agreement
• 1.3.1 Pragmatic agreement
• 1.3.2 Pragmatic versus index agreement
• 1.3.3 Concord versus index agreement
• 1.4 Agreement in HPSG
• 1.5 Agreement features: rules and exceptions
• 1.6 Agreement constraints

• 2.1 Introduction
• 2.2 The Serbian/Croatian declension system
• 2.3 Irregular forms
• 2.4 Declension class and concord features
• 2.5 Declension-concord mismatches
• 2.6 Capturing the mismatches formally
• 2.7 Animacy as a subgender

• 3.1 Introduction
• 3.2 Concord-index mismatches with deca-type nouns
• 3.3 Nominative deca
• 3.4 Particples and predicate adjectives
• 3.5 Relative clauses
• 3.5.1 koji-relatives
• 3.5.2 śto-relatives
• 3.6 Conclusion

• 4.1 Gender and sex
• 4.2 Lexical and semantic gender
• 4.3 Semantic and grammatical number
• 4.4 Conclusion

• 5.1 Combining the constraints
• 5.2 Corbett's Agreement History
• 5.3 The problem of variation
• 5.4 Conclusion

II Further Exploations of Agreement

• 6.1 Introduction
• 6.2 Agreement mismatches with T/V pronouns
• 6.3 The disconnect between between French finite and non-finite predicates
• 6.4 Revising the French person/number paradign
• 6.5 Forms that do not distinguish number
• 6.6 Forms that distinguish number
• 6.7 The T/V distinction as person, not number
• 6.8 Conclusion

• 7.1 Introduction
• 7.2 Quantified Noun Phrases
• 7.3 Three ways to quantify a nominal
• 7.3.1 Adjectival quantifiers
• 7.3.2 Inflected nouns as quantifiers (Q_inNPs)
• 7.3.2 Uninflected nouns as quantifiers (Q_unNPs)
• 7.4 Case-marking and the distribution of Q_unNPs
• 7.4.1 Undeclined female names
• 7.4.2 Distribution of caseless nominals
• 7.4.3 An existential constraint
• 7.4.4 Oblique case assigned by prepositions
• 7.4.5 Agreement with the numerals two, three, and four
• 7.5 Why do Q_unNPs fail to trigger agreement?
• 7.5.1 Featureless idices
• 7.5.2 Problems with treatment quantifiers as neuter singular
• 7.5.3 Problems with treating Q_unNPs as non-nominatives
• 7.6 Speakers allowing agreement with Q_unNPs
• 7.7 Conclusion

• 8.1 Introduction
• 8.2 Gender resolution patterns
• 8.3 Syntactic feature computation
• 8.4 Syntactic versus semantic resolution
• 8.5 Animates and genders genders with semantic correlates
• 8.6 The origin of inamimate resolution rules
• 8.7 Origins of the featural representations of grammatical genders
• 8.8 How inherent gender blocks semantic gender
• 8.9 ‘Syntactic’ and ‘semantic’ gender resolution revisited
• 8.10 Competition between semantic and syntactic resolution
• 8.11 Conclusion

• 9.1 Introdution
• 9.2 Background
• 9.2.1 The pragmatic/grammatical agreement alternation
• 9.2.2 Deixis and topic sharing
• 9.3 Paycheck pronouns
• 9.3.1 Serbian/Croation paycheck pronouns and agreement
• 9.3.2 Comparison with other types of pronoun construal
• 9.3.3 Towards an analysis of paycheck pronouns
• 9.3.4 Pronouns and nominal agreement
• 9.4 Reflexives and bound variables
• 9.4.1 Case, binding, and agreement
• 9.4.2 Analyis
• 9.4 Reflexives and bound variables