Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia - People's Army
Formed
May 27, 1964
Disbanded
Group is active.
First Attack
May 27, 1964: The Colombian military attacked the FARC in Marquetalia, in which 48 FARC rebels fought back. This was their first confrontation with the Colombian government and considered the FARC’s founding date. (unknown killed, unknown wounded). [1]
Last Attack
June 22, 2015: June 22, 2015: The FARC bombed the Tansandio pipeline, an oil pipeline in Nariño, causing 10,000 barrels of oil to contaminate waterways. The water contamination resulted in 150,000 people losing access to water and the Colombian government speculates that the environmental damage resulting from this attack is the worst environmental disaster in Colombia’s history. (0 killed, 0 wounded). [2]
Updated
August 15, 2015
Narrative Summary
In 1964, Colombian Communist
Party (PCC) member Manuel Marulanda worked with Jacobo Arenas to form the
Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (or, in Spanish, Las Fuerzas Armadas
Revolucionarios de Colombia; the FARC). Following the decade of civil war from
1948 to 1958, known as La Violencia, PCC members led groups of individuals, who
felt neglected by the Colombian government, to settle throughout the
countryside and create their own communities. Marulanda led a group to settle
in Marquetalia, Tolima with the goal of creating a society in which the needs
and concerns of the rural population would be addressed. [3][4] Marulanda’s group later became the FARC.
On May 27, 1964 the
Colombian military attacked Marquetalia and other surrounding communities. [5]
Marulanda’s forty-eight guerrilla
fighters fought back. Following the attack, on July 20th 1964, the
guerrillas from Marquetalia met with other communities, organized, and unified
in what they called the First Guerrilla Conference. During this conference, in
which some 350 guerrillas participated, they formally declared themselves a
guerrilla group, taking on the name the Southern Bloc. The Southern Bloc called
for land reform, better conditions for those in the countryside, and vowed to
defend the communities of followers in the countryside from the Colombian
government. Primarily a defense group, the Southern Bloc met again in May 1966
for its Second Guerrilla Conference and renamed itself the Revolutionary Armed
Forces of Colombia, the FARC. [6]
In addition to the FARC’s name change,
the second conference also marked a shift in strategy for the group; instead of
just defending the rural population from government attacks, the FARC started
providing educational and medical services to loyal communities, training militants
for combat, and carrying out attacks. In 1972, Marulanda established training
camps for the guerrillas. In the FARC’s early years, to pay for the camps and
social service provision, the FARC kidnapped for ransom, primarily targeting politicians,
and elites. [7][8]
In addition to kidnapping,
in the late 1970s, the FARC began trafficking cocaine to fund its activities, a
practice that facilitated its rapid growth throughout the 1980s. The FARC’s
newfound wealth, from kidnappings and the drug trade, and its provision of
social services attracted a large number of new members who sought to escape
the increasing poverty levels in Colombia. [9][10] Together, the increase in profit and new members
marked the beginning of the FARC’s exponential growth and rise in power. [11][12] However,
the FARC’s reliance on the drug trade also harmed its reputation; reports on
the FARC by the United States government, the Colombian government, and news
sources quickly started referring to the group as a drug cartel and its leaders
as drug traffickers. [13]
In 1982, the FARC held its
Seventh Guerrilla Conference in which it changed its name to the FARC-EP for
Ejército del Pueblo, meaning “People’s Army;” however, the Colombian
government, the United States government, and the media still refer to the
group as ‘the FARC.’ [14] Additionally in 1982, the FARC and the Colombian government, led by President
Belisario Betancur, started peace talks for the first time. In May of 1984, an
agreement, the Uribe Accords, was successfully reached and called for a
bilateral ceasefire, which lasted from 1984-1987. [15] Colombian politician Ivan Cepeda said the Uribe Accords would allow
FARC members to slowly begin to live legally.
As part of the agreement,
the FARC co-founded the Patriotic Union (UP), a political party, with the
Colombian Communist Party (PCC) in 1985. The UP achieved unprecedented leftist
success in the 1986 elections, securing 350 local council seats, 9 House seats,
and 6 Senate seats. However, this rapid success was quickly undermined by
forced disappearances and systematic assassinations of UP leaders by the army, right-wing
paramilitaries, and drug gangs. Reports show that, by 1988, between 200 and 500
UP leaders, including UP Presidential candidate Jaime Pardo, were assassinated.
From 1988 to 1992, between 4,000 and 6,000 UP members, including another
presidential candidate, Bernardo Jaramillo, were murdered. These murders and
disappearances thwarted UP growth and many remaining members fled the country. [16][17][18]
Despite the peace accords in
the 1980s, the FARC’s violent tactics and kidnappings continued because the
group believed that political reforms made by the government were inadequate. In
retaliation for the FARC’s continued violence, wealthy landowners, the primary
targets of the FARC’s kidnappings, formed militant groups, such as Death to
Kidnappers (MAS) and the United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC). These groups
aligned with the Colombian military in the 1980s to rid the country of
guerrilla presence. Paramilitary groups killed innocent civilians but reported
them to be FARC guerrillas or FARC supporters in order to appear as if they
were effectively mitigating FARC influence in the country. Paramilitaries used
these tactics from the 1980s through the 2000s. [19]
In 1999, the FARC’s membership
and kidnapping peaked at 18,000 and 3,000 respectively. The FARC’s heightened
influence in the country, extreme kidnapping records and involvement in the
drug trade elicited both domestic and international response. In 1999, a
quarter of the Colombian population protested in cities throughout the country,
in the “No Más” protests, against the FARC and violence in the country. [20][21] Around this time, the FARC began peace negotiations
with the Colombian government. Regardless, in 2000, the United States and
Colombia initiated Plan Colombia, a $9 billion U.S. military aid program meant
to help the Colombian government combat the drug trade and reassert authority and
increase its capacity throughout the country. [22][23] The success of Plan Colombia is debated as it did
not eliminate guerrilla drug activities or violence; however, some attribute the
Colombian state and military’s increased strength, and the start of FARC’s
decline to Plan Colombia. [24][25] In 2002, President Pastrana ended the 1999 peace
talks with the FARC before the end of his term. [26]
In 2002, Álvaro Uribe ran
for presidency, and won, on the promise that he would aggressively combat
guerrilla presence and activity in the country. During the 2002 election
season, the FARC kidnapped presidential candidate Ingrid Betancourt, increasing
political motivation to combat the FARC. Uribe’s anti-guerrilla program, once
elected, was to professionalize the army, take advantage of paramilitary
assistance and embrace support from the United States government’s Plan Colombia
during his presidency, which lasted until 2010. [27]
Uribe’s crackdown on the FARC was well
received by the Colombian public and it led to a decrease in violence within
the country and a dramatic decrease in the number of FARC members. Not only did
the FARC become weaker in 2002, but, also, the FARC-founded Patriotic Union
(UP) lost its legal status and could no longer participate politically for lack
of members and support. [28]
Following Uribe’s tenure, President Santos, elected
in 2012, restarted the peace process with the FARC. [29][30] The talks have been disrupted many times due to
the FARC’s violation of cease-fire agreements. For example, as part of the 2012
peace talks, the FARC publicly renounced kidnapping but, nonetheless, continued
to kidnap for ransom. The FARC’s decision to continue kidnapping led the
Colombian government to suspend the cease-fire in November of 2014. [31][32] In July 2015, the FARC once again declared a unilateral
ceasefire, and, in response, the Colombian government then agreed to cease air
strikes on FARC encampments. [33][34] Whether or not peace talks will continue hinges
on both sides cooperating. In November 2015, President Santos will evaluate the
progress made in the peace negotiations and decide whether or not to continue. [35]
Leadership
Iván Ríos, legal name José Juvenal Velandia (Unknown to Present): Iván Ríos joined the FARC in the 1980s and was a member of the Secretariat until his death. His bodyguard, Pedro Pablo Montoya, killed him in exchange for a $2.5 million reward from the Colombian government.[36]
Raul Reyes, legal name Luis Edgar Devia Silva (Unknown to 2008): Reyes, a member of the Secretariat until his death, joined the FARC after his time as a Marxist union leader. He was considered a top commander and represented the moderate wing of the FARC. In 2008, the Colombian army killed him and his death was reported as a devastating blow to the group.[37]
Jaime Guaracas (1964 to Unknown): Guaracas was third in command for the FARC until the 1980s when he retired from combat due to health issues. Guaracas now lives in Cuba and is one of the few original founders of the FARC still living.[38]
Jacobo Arenas, legal name Luis Alberto Morantes Jaime (1964 to 1990): In 1964, Arenas moved to Marquetalia and became a founding leader of the group. Arenas died in 1990 of natural causes.[39]
Manuel Marulanda Vélez, also known as "Tirofijo," legal name Pedro Antonio Marín Marín (1964 to 2008): Marulanda, a member of the Colombian Communist Party (PCC), was the founding leader of a community in Marquetalia that was attacked by the government in 1964. Following the attack, Marulanda’s guerrillas and others founded the Southern Bloc, which would later become the FARC. Marulanda died of a heart attack in 2008.[40]
Jorge Briceño Suarez, also known as "Mono Jojoy", legal name Victor Julio Suarez Rojas (1965 to 2010): Mono Jojoy joined the FARC when he was only 12 years old and moved steadily up the ranks. He was deeply embedded in the FARC’s drug activities, and involved in kidnappings and extortion. He was the leading military commander for the FARC until Colombian government forces killed him in 2010.[41]
Efrain Guzman, also known as Nariño (1978 to 2002): Guzman joined the FARC in 1978 and was appointed commander of the FARC’s 5th Front at the 1978 Sixth National Guerrilla Conference. At the 1993 Eighth National Guerrilla Conference, he was invited to the Secretariat and assigned to the FARC’s Caribbean Bloc.[42]
Alfonso Cano, legal name Guillermo León Sáenz Vargas (1982 to 2011): Cano joined the FARC in the mid 1970s. In 1981, Cano was arrested in a raid on his family home and remained imprisoned until 1982 when President Betancur granted him amnesty. After his release, he became commander of the FARC’s Western Bloc. Following the death of Jacobo Arenas in 1992, Cano became a member of the Secretariat. Following the death of leader Manuel Marulanda in March of 2008, Cano became the FARC’s commander. Cano was killed on November 4, 2011, in a military raid.[43]
Iván Marquéz, legal name Luciano Marin Arango (1985 to Present): Ivan Marquéz is currently a member of the Secretariat. After joining the FARC in 1985, he became extremely active in the FARC’s political party, Union Patriotica. Due to his alleged involvement in the FARC’s drug trade, the U.S. State Department has indicted Marquéz on drug charges.[44]
Mauricio Jaramillo, also known as "El Médico", legal name Jaime Alberto Parra (1990 to Present): El Médico joined the FARC in the late 1980s as the physician for former commander in chief, Manuel Marulanda, earning him the alias “El Médico.” He is the commander of the FARC’s Eastern Bloc and a member of the current Secretariat. Jaramillo inherited both of these positions from Mono Jojoy, for whom Jaramillo was a close confidant.[45]
Pablo Catatumbo, legal name Jorge Torres Victoria (1990 to Present): Catatumbo is a member of the current Secretariat, a negotiator and commander of the Western Bloc – the FARC’s strongest bloc. During the 1980s, Catatumbo was a member of the April 19 Movement (M-19), held hostage by MAS, then joined the FARC after M-19 demobilized. He is considered a hardliner, strongly in favor of the FARC’s kidnapping practices and disagreed with the 2012 decision to stop kidnapping.[46]
Pastor Alape, legal name Felix Antonio Muñoz (1993 to Present): Pastor Alape joined the FARC in 1983 and, in 1993, became the leader of the FARC’s 4th Front. He is a member of the current secretariat.[47]
Timoleón Jiménez, also known as "Timochenko", legal name Rodrigo Londoño Echeverri (1993 to Present): Timochenko became the Commander for the FARC in November 2011. Since joining the FARC he has steadily climbed the ranks, beginning in 1993 when he was leader of the FARC’s Magdalena Medio Bloc, then a member of the seven-person Secretariat, and finally, in 2011, he became the FARC commander following Alfonso Cano’s death.[48]
Juaquin Gomez (1999 to Present): Gomez joined the FARC in 1981 and was the point person in the 1999 peace talks. Gomez is currently a member of the Secretariat and leader of the FARC’s Southern Bloc.[49]
Ideology & Goals
Marxist-Leninist
The FARC is a
Marxist-Leninst guerrilla group founded in the 1960s to overthrow the Colombian
government and seize control of the country. Today, the FARC’s goal is
territorial gain and control within Colombia. [50][51] Additionally, the FARC opposes American imperialism
and financial capital monopolies. [52] Therefore, the FARC opposes U.S. activity and
influence in Colombia. [53]
Many FARC leaders sought inspiration from
leftist social movements around the world. In a 2008 interview, Jaime Guaracas,
a former FARC leader, said that, during the FARC’s formative years, leader
Manuel Marulanda read and was influenced heavily by the work of Lenin, Marx,
Bolívar, and Mao. [54]
Name Changes
1964: The Southern Bloc. In 1964, guerrillas, who fought in the resistance against the Colombian government, both in Marquetalia and in other settlements, came together to create the First Guerrilla Conference. In this conference, they established themselves as the Southern Bloc and created an Agrarian Reform Plan demanding change and better conditions, such as irrigation, sanitation, and education for peasants and workers. [55]
1966: The Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC). At the Second Guerrilla Conference in 1966, the Southern Bloc renamed itself the FARC. The name change came with a group constitution and a shift to more offensive tactics. [56]
1982: The Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia - People's Army (FARC-EP). During the Seventh Guerrilla Conference in 1982, the FARC adopted the suffix “EP” for “Ejército del Pueblo” (in English, “People’s Army”). [57] The 7th Conference resulted in new plans to urbanize the conflict, plans for territorial expansion and heavier recruitment for fighters. [58] Despite the name change, to the FARC-EP, the Colombian government, the United States government, and popular news outlets still refer to the group as the FARC.
The FARC is on the United
States’ annual list of Foreign Terrorist Organizations and has been since
October of 1997. [72] In April of 2015 the listing was re-evaluated, and United
States Secretary of State John Kerry successfully pushed to keep the FARC on
the FTO list. [73] The FARC is also on the European Union’s list of
terrorist organizations. [74] In 2008, Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez requested that the FARC be
removed from the European list but the FARC was not removed. [75][76][77]
U.S. State Department Foreign Terrorist Organizations: 1997 to Present
EU Designated Terrorist Organizations: 2002 to Present
Resources
Before the drug trade boom
in the 1970s and 1980s, the FARC received weapons, training, and financial
assistance from Cuba. [78] During that time, the FARC also kidnapped politicians
and elites for revenue. Their kidnappings continued throughout the 1970s,
1980s, 1990s, and peaked in 1999. The thriving drug business in Colombia also
facilitated the FARC’s rapid growth in the 1980s and 1990s, when it tripled in
membership, and gave the FARC greater financial independence. In 2002, the
growth of the FARC’s Eastern Bloc was funded by money earned from cocaine trade
with Brazilian drug lords. [79]
Since 2012, the FARC has
scaled back on kidnappings due to the joint effort between the Colombian
government and FARC guerrillas to move toward peace. Though the FARC agreed to
stop kidnapping in 2012, the group has only decreased the number of kidnappings
and still kidnaps for revenue. [80]
Other forms of funding now
replace kidnappings. Profits from gold mining have surpassed those from the
drug trade; it is estimated that the FARC’s profits from gold mining are more
than five times those from cocaine trafficking. [81][82].
[83][84] In addition to profiting from gold mining, the FARC
‘taxes’ each piece of machinery entering its territory, earning about $240,000
a month. These taxes and the direct sale of gold make gold mining the most
lucrative funding source for the FARC. [85][86]
Today, the FARC funds its projects through
criminal activities: kidnapping, extortion and involvement in all levels of
drug trade and production, including working with cartels in neighboring
countries. The FARC is active internationally, illegally gold mining in Peru,
running drug operations from Venezuela, and working with Mexican drug cartels.
External Influences
During the 1970s and 1980s,
the FARC received funding from Cuba. Since the early 2000s, Hugo Chavez’s government
was known for favoring the FARC and reportedly supplied the FARC with up to
$300 million and traded arms and oil with the group. [87] In addition, former Cuban President Fidel Castro
and former Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez were integral in facilitating the
peace talks between the Colombian Government and the FARC in 2012. [88]
Geographical Locations
The FARC operates
throughout Colombia. The group is also active in the drug trade and other
illegal markets in neighboring countries, such as Brazil, Ecuador, Venezuela,
Peru, Mexico and Panama. Brazilian drug lords support the FARC in the drug
trade and the FARC’s largest drug corridors are in Venezuela. In 2015, the FARC
was reportedly training Mexican drug cartels, including Jalisco Cartel-New
Generation (JCNG) and Los Cuinis. [89][90][91]
Targets & Tactics
The FARC’s tactics range
from kidnapping and extortion to murders and bombings. Though the FARC has kidnapped
for ransom since its inception, kidnapping became an integral part of the
group’s revenue starting in the 1970s. In 1999, the number of FARC kidnappings,
particularly of the Colombian elite, peaked at 3,000. Starting in 1982, the
FARC began relying heavily on the drug trade for income in order to expand and
fun direct attacks on the Colombian military. [92]
For membership, the FARC
reportedly consistently recruits and accepts many child soldiers. The Human
Rights Watch estimates that somewhere between 20% and 30% of all members are
under 18 years of age, and El Tiempo reports that about 50% of FARC members are
under 18 at the time of joining. [93][94]
In the 1980s, the FARC
sought to achieve its goals through the political process. In the 1982 negotiations
with President Belisario Betancur, both parties reached an agreement resulting
in a ceasefire from 1984 until 1987. In 1985, during the negotiation process,
the FARC co-founded a political party, the Patriotic Union (UP), to pursue
political and socioeconomic reform. Paramilitary groups persecuted members of
the UP and drug gangs and the party became inactive less than 20 years after
its creation. [95][96]
During the Santos administration, beginning in
2010, instead of using violent resistance, the FARC sought political
involvement, social involvement, and peace negotiations with the Colombian
government. These changes suggested an unprecedented shift in a peaceful
direction, including possible demobilization. [97] The peace negotiations, known as the Havana
Talks, escalated in 2012 and, since then, the FARC has drastically decreased
kidnappings and its involvement in the drug trade. [98] While the FARC does not consider itself a drug
cartel, and claimed to be relinquishing ties with the drug business, several
reports released in 2015 showed that the FARC was working closely with and
training many Mexican cartels. [99][100] Instead of kidnapping, the group now relies on
unconventional explosive devices and hit and run tactics. [101] These attacks have been more targeted than
previous attacks on population centers. In 2014, it was reported that the FARC
might be using tree bombs, explosives similar to landmines. [102]
Political Activities
In 1985, during the 1984-1987
ceasefire that followed the 1984 Uribe Accords, the FARC, along with the
Colombian Communist Party (PCC), co-founded the Patriotic Union (UP), a
political party with the goal of presenting formidable opposition to the
dominant political entities at the time. In addition to FARC and Colombian
Communist Party (PCC) members, the UP also attracted members of the ELN,
leftist leaders, and other rebel group members. In order to gain more
followers, the UP discouraged the use of arms despite endorsement from the FARC
and others. The party sought to address land reform, provide better medical
care and educational services for the poor, and nationalize businesses, banks,
and transportation systems. [103] The UP was extremely successful during the 1986
elections, winning hundreds of local council seats, nine seats in the House,
and six seats in the Senate. Following this success, the Colombian government
and paramilitaries allegedly assassinated 500 UP leaders before 1988 and an
additional 4,000 by 1992. By 2002, the UP’s legal status as a party was revoked
because of lack of members and the party was inactive until 2013, when its
legal status was restored. [104][105]
In 2005, during the UP’s
inactive years, former UP members, including FARC members, created the Alternative
Democratic Pole (PDA) [106] The PDA has proven to be internally fragmented but
publicly supports the peace negotiations between the FARC and the Santos
administration. [107]
Major Attacks
Unknown: The Uribe Administration suspected the FARC was responsible for an attack that killed 34 coca pickers in La Gabarra. (34 killed, 5 wounded).[108]
Unknown: When Colombian Forces attempted to rescue 10 hostages captured in April 2002, the FARC killed all of them. (10 killed, unknown wounded).[109]
Unknown: A 330-pound bomb was placed in the garage of Club El Nogal in Bogota. The FARC denied involvement but email evidence suggests that it was a FARC attack. (32 killed, 160-200 wounded).[110]
Unknown: The FARC stationed a roadblock in Bogota and wounded and kidnapped more than 28 people, including U.S. and Italian nationals. (3 killed, 14 wounded). (3 killed, 14 wounded).[111]
Unknown: Six armed guerrillas, in Apure, Venezuela, kidnapped a U.S. oil engineer and his Venezuelan pilot. The United States government alleges the FARC is responsible for this kidnapping. (0 killed, unknown wounded).[112]
Unknown: The FARC perpetrated two massacres, the first on February 4th and the second on February 11th, of the indigenous Awá people in Nariño. Between the two attacks, the FARC tortured and killed a total of 27 members of the Awá community but some witnesses escaped. The FARC believed that the Nariño community was “conspiring against them.” (27 killed, unknown wounded). ().[113]
Unknown: A car bomb was set off in front of a police station in Inza, Cauca. Rebels then continued to throw home-made mortars at the station. (8+ killed, 20 wounded).[114]
May 27, 1964: The Colombian military attacked Marulanda’s forty-eight followers in Marquetalia, who fought back and, along with others, would later become the FARC, fought back. This is considered the FARC’s founding date. (unknown killed, unknown wounded). (unknown killed, unknown wounded).[115]
April 8, 1983: The FARC kidnapped a U.S. citizen for ransom, in what the United States refers to as the FARC’s first attack against the United States. (unknown killed, unknown wounded) (unknown killed, unknown wounded).[116]
August 30, 1996: The FARC's Southern Bloc attacked Las Delicias military base in southwestern Colombia, near the Ecuadorian border. (54 killed, 17 wounded).[117]
August 3, 1998: In what is known as the Siege of Miraflores more than 1,500 FARC troops entered the town of Miraflores and, over the span of two days, attacked a church, hospital, and military base and kidnapped 129 police. (19 killed, unknown wounded).[118]
November 1, 1998: Between 1,500 and 2,000 FARC guerrillas launched a 3-day offensive against the remote city of Mitu in Southern Colombia in which they fought against 120 police officers. The FARC temporarily seized Mitu’s police headquarters and approximately 800 FARC rebels were killed. (840-860 killed, unknown wounded, 84 missing).[119]
February 23, 2002: The FARC kidnapped Ingrid Betancourt, a presidential candidate, along with her campaign manager in 2002. The FARC held them until Colombian forces rescued them both and other hostages in Operation Jaque in 2008. (0 killed, 0 wounded).[120]
May 2, 2002: During a confrontation between the AUC and the FARC, the AUC filled a church with civilians as a human shield. In an attempt to attack the AUC, the FARC launched a gas cylinder bomb at the church and killed the civilians inside. In 2014, the FARC asked for forgiveness for this attack, which later became known as the Bojayá Massacre. (79+ killed, unknown wounded).[121]
August 7, 2002: FARC guerrillas launched homemade mortar shells near the Presidential Palace during President Alvaro Uribe's inauguration ceremony. (14 killed, 40 wounded).[122]
November 15, 2003: The U.S. government alleges the FARC was responsible for grenade attacks at the Bogota Beer Company in which 5 Americans were injured. (1 killed, 73 wounded).[123]
December 21, 2009: FARC guerrillas kidnapped Luis Francisco Cuellar, governor of the Caquetá Department, from his home. Cuellar's body was found the following day bound, gagged, and shot. (2 killed, unknown wounded).[124]
March 11, 2014: Disguised FARC guerrillas opened fire on Colombian military members in the middle of the road in La Montañita. (4 killed, 4 wounded).[125]
Relationships with Other Groups
The FARC and the ELN, a
Marxist-Leninist group founded in 1964, have been both rivals and allies. Members of the ELN joined the FARC and
Colombian Communist Party in co-founding the Patriotic Union in 1985. Additionally,
the FARC and the ELN have exchanged kidnapping victims and shared fighters and
equipment. [126] In 2010, they both signed a non-aggression pact.
Politically, as of May 2015, the ELN reportedly supported the FARC’s decision
to suspend their unilateral ceasefire with the Colombian government. [127] Independently, FARC Commander Timochenko supported
the ELN’s entry into the current peace negotiations with the Colombian
government. [128]
The FARC is a member of the
Simon Bolivar Guerrilla Coordinating Board (CGSB), an umbrella organization
created in 1987 as an ELN initiative following the peace processes. The CGSB
included the M-19 (April 19 Movement), the FARC, the ELN (National Liberation
Army), and the EPL (People’s Liberation Army). By 1991, the FARC and the ELN
were the last remaining members of the CGSB after all other groups demobilized
and signed peace agreements with the Colombian government. [129][130]
The FARC’s most forceful
opposition has historically been paramilitaries aligned with the Colombian
army. During the 1990s the United Self-Defense Force of Colombia (AUC), one of
the strongest paramilitary groups fighting against leftist guerrillas, targeted
FARC members, their supporters, and sympathizers. In the 2000s, both the FARC
and the AUC were competing for control over coca plantations and trafficking
routes. By the mid 2000s, the relationship between the FARC and the AUC shifted
to one of partnership where both benefited from cooperating in the drug trade.
The AUC demobilized in 2006 but the FARC works with the AUC’s successor,
BACRIM, in the drug trade. [131]
Following the AUC’s
demobilization in 2006, the FARC started working closely with BACRIM (Bandas
Criminales, in English, “Criminal Bands”), a criminal organization of mid-level,
former AUC commanders involved in illegal activities from drug trafficking to
gold mining. [132] Some reports suggest that the two are partners in cocaine
production and, should the FARC exit the drug trade in the course of political
negotiations, BACRIM is prepared to fill FARC’s position. [133][134]
The Shining Path, one of Peru’s guerrilla
groups, is often compared to the FARC due to use of similar taxing practices
within the drug trade. [135] Reports show that the FARC and the Shining Path
have been in contact and worked together in the drug trade since 2003 and continue
to do so, as recently as May 2015.
Community Relationships
During the Cold War, Cubans provided
resources and training to the FARC on the condition that they maintain positive
relations with the community. However, its emphasis on community relations
deteriorated as its reliance on the drug trade for revenue grew. [136]
In the 1980s and 1990s, the
FARC’s popularity peaked, apparent in the increase in FARC membership during
that time. The FARC’s increasing wealth attracted impoverished Colombians. As
the FARC grew in wealth, it also grew more violent, to which the community
began to react negatively. In 1999, 13 million Colombians participated in the
No Más protests throughout cities in the country, demonstrating the public’s
frustration with guerrilla groups. [137]
In a similar protest in
February 2008, millions of people in 104 major cities globally and throughout
Colombia protested against the FARC. They marched saying, “No more kidnappings!
No more lies! No more deaths! No more FARC!” This march was organized through
social media in an event entitled, “A million voices against the FARC” and
displayed dissatisfaction with the FARC on a domestic and international level. [138]
In addition, during Álvaro Uribe’s presidency,
he maintained a strong anti-FARC, anti-Guerrilla policy that was well supported
by the Colombian public. Furthermore, Uribe’s approval rating in 2008 skyrocketed
to around 82% due to his crackdown on FARC activity, reflecting the sentiments
of the population. [139] In 2014, the FARC’s approval rating was only 2%.
[140]
^ Osterling,
Jorge P. Democracy In Colombia :
Clientelist Politics and Guerrilla Warfare. New Brunswick, U.S.A.:
Transaction, 1989.} {Romero, Simon. “Manuel Marulanda, Top Commander of
Colombia’s Largest Guerrilla Group, Is Dead.” The New York Times. The New York
Times Company. 26 May 2008. Web. 20 July 2015. http://www.nytimes.com/2008/05/26/world/americas/26marulanda.html?_r=0
^ Osterling,
Jorge P. Democracy In Colombia :
Clientelist Politics and Guerrilla Warfare. New Brunswick, U.S.A.:
Transaction, 1989.} {Romero, Simon. “Manuel Marulanda, Top Commander of
Colombia’s Largest Guerrilla Group, Is Dead.” The New York Times. The New York
Times Company. 26 May 2008. Web. 20 July 2015. http://www.nytimes.com/2008/05/26/world/americas/26marulanda.html?_r=0
^ Shifter,
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