February 1976: The M-19 murdered José Raquel Mercado, a trade unionist who it believed was a member of the CIA. (1 killed, 0 wounded). [1]
Last Attack
June 2001: The M-19 Jaime Bateman Cayón Goup kidnapped a Spanish-born psychologist in Calí. He was released a month later. (0 killed, 0 wounded). [2]
Updated
August 21, 2015
Narrative Summary
The April 19 Movement (M-19)
was a guerrilla group, formed in 1974, that became a political party in the
late 1980s. Jaime Bateman Cayón, Antonio Navarro Wolff, Carlos Toledo Plata and
others founded the M-19 to fight for a popular democracy and a more open
political system that would be representative of the majority and inclusive of marginalized
Colombians. [3][4] The April 19, 1970
elections, which many Colombians felt was unjustly stolen from presidential
candidate Rojas Pinilla, exposed what M-19 leaders believed was a corrupt
electoral system and was the motivation behind the group’s establishment and
name, the April 19 Movement. [5]
The group’s activities started in 1973 with a series of robberies, but the
group did not gain national notoriety until January 1974, when M-19 guerrillas
stole Simon Bolivar’s sword from his former villa. [6]
In the late 1970s, the M-19
kidnapped drug traffickers and their children for ransom to fund its
activities. In response, paramilitary groups, such as MAS (Death to Kidnappers)
and the AUC (Self Defense Forces of Colombia), attacked the M-19 among other leftist
guerrilla groups. [7] In February 1976, in its first official attack, the M-19 murdered a
trade unionist who it suspected was a CIA agent. Within the next two years,
from 1976-1978, the M-19 kidnapped at least 400 victims. [8] During those years, the size of the M-19 increased rapidly and the group
strengthened militarily with the assistance of other urban leftist guerrilla
groups, including the Argentine Montoneros and Uruguayan Tupamaros. [9] In 1980, the Colombian Army arrested M-19 leader Jaime Bateman, and in
response, members of the M-19 seized the Dominican Republic’s Embassy and held
50 people hostage. [10] Throughout the 1980s, the M-19 continued to carry out major attacks on
embassies and multinational corporations.
In 1984, following the death
of Jaime Bateman Cayón, some of the M-19’s members established a truce with
President Belisario Betancur, but by 1985, the M-19 returned to combat with a
major attack on the Palace of Justice, the headquarters of the Colombian Supreme
Court. [11] Following the attack, the M-19 was regarded as the second largest
guerrilla group in Colombia, behind the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia
(FARC); however, it temporarily scaled back attacks until 1988 when the group
kidnapped Conservative party leader Alvaro Gómez Hurtado. [12]
In 1989, the M-19 restarted
peace negotiations with the Colombian government. These negotiations resulted
in the transformation of M-19 into a legal political party, the M-19 party, in
November 1989. [13]
Though the majority of M-19 members
demobilized and transitioned to the political sphere by 1990, the Jaime Bateman
Cayón Group, a faction of the M-19 previously led by Jaime Bateman until his
death in 1983, remained militant. [14] In 1990, the M-19 party united with other political movements including
the demobilized Popular Liberation Army (EPL), Revolutionary Workers’ Party,
and the Quintín Lamé, to become the April 19 Movement Democratic Alliance (AD
M-19). In contrast, throughout the 1990s, the Bateman Cayón Group continued to
perpetrate several large kidnappings up until June 2001.
Simultaneously, the AD M-19
grew in popularity. By 1991 the AD M-19 was a formidable opponent to the
traditional two-party dynamic. However, in 1992, a Colombian judge issued
arrest warrants for over 30 AD M-19 leaders for the attack on the Palace of Justice
in 1985, effectively thwarting the party’s growth. In the 1994, the AD M-19
presidential candidate, Antonio Navarro Wolff, was a frontrunner; however, his
loss coupled with the party’s dwindling popularity led to the party’s end in
1997. Regardless, in 2002, Antonio Navarro Wolff, running with the Alternative
Democratic Pole party, won a senate seat. [15]
The M-19 is no longer an active militant group
and the AD M-19 no longer participates in politicals in Colombia. Since the
demise of the AD M-19, many former members have joined Independent Democratic
Pole party. [16]
Leadership
Antonio Navarro Wolff (1974 to Unknown): Navarro Wolff was a founding member of the M-19. He then became the leader of the AD M-19 and the party’s presidential candidate in 1990 following León-Gómez’s assassination. Navarro Wolff was more pragmatic than León-Gómez and focused on expanding the party’s size rather than solidifying the party’s ideology.[17]
Jaime Bateman Cayón (1974 to 1983): Bateman Cayón, a former FARC member, was a founding member of the M-19. Bateman was the M-19’s principle military commander. The Colombian Army arrested Bateman Cayón in 1980 and, in response, the M-19 seized the Dominican Republic’s Embassy in Colombia. Bateman died in April 1983 in a plane crash over Panama.[18]
Carlos Toledo Plata (1974 to 1984): Toledo Plata, a former member of the National Popular Alliance (ANAPO), a political party, founded the M-19 with Jaime Bateman Cayón. Toledo Plata was assassinated in 1984 by the military.[19]
Alvaro Delgado Fayad (1974 to 1986): Alvaro Fayad was the M-19’s military leader and the group’s commander following the death of Jaime Bateman in 1983. Fayad orchestrated the Palace of Justice attack and was killed by Colombian Special Forces in 1986.[20]
Carlos Pizarro León-Gómez (1974 to 1990): Pizarro was a founding member of the M-19 and took leadership of the group following the death of Alvaro Fayad in 1986. Pizarro was the AD M-19’s first leader. He served as the party’s main ideologue. A paramilitary death squad, allegedly the AUC, assassinated Pizarro just one week after he accepted the AD M-19’s nomination of presidential candidate for the 1990 election.[21]
Ideology & Goals
Marxist-Leninist
Populism
Jaime Bateman Cayón, a
former FARC member, and Carlos Toledo Plata, a former member of the political
party the National Popular Alliance (ANAPO), formed the M-19, a Marxist-Leninst
guerrilla group, to change what they believed to be a corrupt Colombian
electoral system. The M-19 sought to implement a representative democracy in
Colombia. Leader Jaime Bateman Cayón believed more change would come from
working in the city rather than the countryside; therefore, the group focused
its militant activities in Colombian cities. [22]
In 1990, all M-19 factions, with the exception
of Jaime Bateman’s former faction, negotiated peace with the Colombian
government and became a political party, the AD M-19. The party sought to
spearhead political reforms promoting democracy within the country, including a
more open electoral system. [23][24][25]
Name Changes
The April 19 Movement (M-19)
(1975-1990): The April 19 Movement was the guerrilla group that engaged in
militant activity from 1975 until the peace talks in 1989 with the Colombian
government. [26] In 1989, the M-19, with the exception of one faction, demobilized to
become a legal political party. [27]
The April 19 Movement
Democratic Alliance (AD M-19) (1990-early 2000s): In 1990, the M-19 party
became the AD M-19, a merger of several popular movements including the Popular
Liberation Army (EPL), Revolutionary Workers’ Party, and the Quintín Lamé, to
become the AD M-19 (the M-19 Democratic Alliance). The AD M-19’s goal was
promoting democracy in Colombia. [28]
The M-19 has
never been listed as a terrorist organization.
Resources
From 1972-1974, the years
before the group announced its existence, the M-19’s illicit activities were
limited to frequent small-scale bank robberies for revenue. [33][34][35][36] After the group stole Simon Bolivar’s sword in
January 1974, it continued stealing arms, including taking hundreds of tons of
weapons from the XIII Elite Brigade Bogota. [37] In addition, the group generated revenue from
kidnapping for ransom and extortion. In the 1980s, the M-19 used kidnapping to
extort multinational corporations, such as Sears and Texaco, in addition to
seizing local ministries and embassies and holding those inside hostage. [38][39]
The M-19 also received training and supplies from Nicaragua, Libya, Cuba and
Argentine Montoneros and Uruguayan Tupamaros in the 1980s.
External Influences
The Cuban revolution was a source of inspiration for the rebel group. M-19 guerrillas attended military training camps in Cuban military academies where they learned both urban and rural forms of guerilla warfare. [40] Bilateral interactions with Nicaragua and Cuba proved to be important influences for the grassroots organization, which was otherwise supported very little by both domestic and international entities.
Geographical Locations
When the M-19 operated as a
militant group they had two fronts: the Southern Front in Putumayo and the
Western Front in the Caldas, Cauca, Valle de Cauca, Quinine, and Tolima. [41]
Targets & Tactics
The M-19’s primary tactic
was kidnapping employees of multinational companies for ransom. In 1977, the M-19 started directly attacking
petroleum production facilitates and began an economic sabotage campaign. [42][43] As part of the campaign, the M-19 attacked police
stations and government offices. The M-19 also attacked many embassies in the
mid 1980s.
In the late 1980s, the
majority of M-19 members started the demobilization process, received pardons
and became M-19 political party, and transformed into a political party, the AD
M-19. [44]
Political Activities
In 1984, most M-19 members became
a legal political entity through amnesty negotiations with President Belisario
Betancur; however, the Bateman Cayón Group did not demobilize and continued
launching attacks for the next decade. [45] Demobilized members of the M-19 feared persecution by paramilitary
organizations so the M-19 party made an agreement with MAS, a paramilitary
organization, guaranteeing their security. In November 1989, the M-19
officially became the M-19 party, then, in 1990, merged with several popular
movements, the Popular Liberation Army (EPL), Revolutionary Workers’ Party, and
the Quintín Lamé, to become the April 19 Movement Democractic Alliance (AD M-19).
The AD M-19’s goal was to
promote democracy in Colombia. [46] In the 1990
elections, the AD M-19, with support of the indigenous population, was
extremely successful and challenged Colombia’s traditional two party system.
However, paramilitary organizations and death squads assassinated many of those
who ran in the elections despite the agreement with MAS, including AD M-19
presidential candidate Carlos Pizarro León-Gómez. [47] Nevertheless, the AD M-19 continued to grow and, by 1991, became the
third most powerful party in the country.
In 1994, AD M-19 candidate Navarro Wolff placed
third in the presidential elections, but shortly following the election, the
party’s popularity began to wane. By 1997, the AD M-19 had almost disappeared
entirely. [48]The AD M-19 tapered out of the political system but leader Navarro Wolff
won a senate seat with the Alternative Democratic Pole party in 2002. [49]
Major Attacks
Unknown: The M-19 attacked the Dominican Republic Embassy in Colombia and captured 15 diplomats, including U.S. ambassador Diego Ascencio, and between 16 to 30 other hostages. The M-19 held them for 61 days and received $1 million ransom and safe passage to Cuba upon the hostages’ release. (0 killed, unknown wounded).[50]
Unknown: The M-19 murdered José Raquel Mercado, a trade unionist who the it believed was a member of the CIA. (1 killed, 0 wounded).[51]
Unknown: In solidarity with the Sandinista cause in Nicaraugua, the M-19 kidnapped Baquero Montiel, the Nicaraguan Ambassador. The Ambassador was released a few hours later. (0 killed, 0 wounded).[52]
Unknown: The U.S. Department of State reported that the Bateman Cayón Group, the M-19 Faction that did not demobilized, kidnapped a British diplomat and his Colombian colleague; the Bateman Cayón Group held them for ransom. There are no reports on their release. (unknown killed, unknown wounded).[53]
Unknown: The M-19 kidnapped William Parra, President Ernesto Samper’s press secretary, and Radio journalist Luis Eduardo Maldonado. They were released a month after their capture. (0 killed, 0 wounded).[54]
Unknown: The Jaime Bateman Cayón Group kidnapped a Spanish-born psychologist in Calí. He was released a month later. (0 killed, 0 wounded).[55]
April 1983: The M-19 bombed the Honduran embassy in Colombia; several members of the Honduran Consul were wounded. (unknown killed, unknown wounded).[56]
November 6, 1985: Twenty-four to forty-one M-19 members seized the Palace of Justice in Bogotá and held approximately 50 hostages. Colombian security forces attacked the building killing all of the M-19 guerrillas and almost all others inside, including about half of the Supreme Court judges. (100+ killed, unknown wounded).[57]
March 23, 1988: The M-19 shot a rocket at the U.S. Embassy in Bogotá. Damage to the Embassy was minimal and there were no injuries. (0 killed, 0 wounded).[58]
1998: The Bateman Faction was responsible for a string of ATM bombings in Bogotá. (unknown killed, unknown wounded).[59]
Relationships with Other Groups
M-19 founder Jaime Bateman
Cayón was a member of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) before
establishing the M-19 alongside Carlos Toledo Plata, a former National Popular
Alliance (ANAPO) member. The M-19 guerrilla group was a member of the Simon Bolivar
Guerrilla Coordination Board (CGSB), an umbrella organization to unify leftist
guerrilla movements including the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC),
the National Liberation Army (ELN), the Popular Liberation Army (EPL), The
Quintin Lame Movement, and the Workers Revolutionary Party. [60]
In 1986 the M-19 sought to
create a common guerrilla front with Peru’s Shining Path and Tupac Amaru
Revolutionary Movement and Ecuador’s Alvaro Lives Damn It! (Alvaro Vive,
Carajo!) Movement. The M-19 reportedly attempted to unite the Alvaro Vive,
Shining Path, and Tupac Amaru militants into a common guerrilla front. [61][62]
When the AD M-19 was created, the party included
all of the Popular Liberation Army’s (EPL) demobilized guerrillas. [63]
Community Relationships
During the late 1970s and
throughout the 1980s, the M-19 faced staunch opposition from paramilitary
organizations, representatives of the elite, and large landowners. [64] In 1985, the failure of government peace talks,
made the M-19 unpopular within Colombia; furthermore, the group’s decision to
return to combat following the failed negotiations decreased the groups popularity
further. [65] In the 1990s, the M-19 party, and subsequent AD M-19 was well liked
within the country. In 1991, the AD M-19 was considered a strong opponent to
Colombia’s two main political parties. In 1994, AD M-19 candidate Navarro Wolff
placed third in the presidential elections. In the next few years, as the
party’s popularity waned, the party’s presence dissipated. However, in 2002,
Navarro Wolff won a senate seat with the highest second highest number of votes
cast. [66][67]
^ Boudon, Lawrence. "Colombia's M-19 Democratic
Alliance: A Case Study in New-Party Self-Destruction." Latin American
Perspectives 28.1, Colombia: The Forgotten War (2001): 73-92. JSTOR.
Web. 13 Aug. 2015.
^ Boudon, Lawrence. "Colombia's M-19 Democratic
Alliance: A Case Study in New-Party Self-Destruction." Latin American
Perspectives 28.1, Colombia: The Forgotten War (2001): 73-92. JSTOR.
Web. 13 Aug. 2015.
^ {{Boudon, Lawrence. "Colombia's M-19 Democratic Alliance: A Case Study in New-Party Self-Destruction." Latin American Perspectives 28.1, Colombia: The Forgotten War (2001): 73-92. JSTOR. Web. 13 Aug. 2015.}}
^ {{Atkins, Stephen E. Encyclopedia of Modern Worldwide Extremists and Extremist Groups. Westport, CT: Greenwood, 2004. Print.}} {{“Colombia: Information on the Former Guerrilla Group M-19” Refworld. N.p. 25 March 2003. Web. 13 August 2015. http://www.refwo
^ {{Durán, Mauricio García; Hormaza, Otty Patiño and Loewenherz, Grabe Vera. “The M-19’s Journey from Armed Struggle to Democratic Politics.” Berghof Research Centre for Constructive Conflict Management. Berghof Foundation. 2008. Web. 13 August 2015. http:/
^ Boudon, Lawrence. "Colombia's M-19 Democratic
Alliance: A Case Study in New-Party Self-Destruction." Latin American
Perspectives 28.1, Colombia: The Forgotten War (2001): 73-92. JSTOR.
Web. 13 Aug. 2015.
^ Boudon, Lawrence. "Colombia's M-19
Democratic Alliance: A Case Study in New-Party Self-Destruction." Latin
American Perspectives 28.1, Colombia: The Forgotten War (2001): 73-92. JSTOR.
Web. 13 Aug. 2015.
^ Boudon, Lawrence.
"Colombia's M-19 Democratic Alliance: A Case Study in New-Party
Self-Destruction." Latin American Perspectives 28.1, Colombia: The
Forgotten War (2001): 73-92. JSTOR. Web. 13 Aug. 2015.
^ Boudon, Lawrence. "Colombia's M-19
Democratic Alliance: A Case Study in New-Party Self-Destruction." Latin
American Perspectives 28.1, Colombia: The Forgotten War (2001): 73-92. JSTOR.
Web. 13 Aug. 2015.
^ {{“Colombia: Information on the Former Guerrilla Group M-19” Refworld. N.p. 25 March 2003. Web. 13 August 2015. http://www.refworld.org/docid/414eee264.html }} {{“M-19 – The April 19 Movement.” Idaho State University. N.p. N.d. Web. 13 August 2015. http:/
^ {{“Colombia: Information on the Former Guerrilla Group M-19” Refworld. N.p. 25 March 2003. Web. 13 August 2015. http://www.refworld.org/docid/414eee264.html }} {{“M-19 – The April 19 Movement.” Idaho State University. N.p. N.d. Web. 13 August 2015. http:/
^ Le Blanc, Jörg. Political Violence In Latin America : a Cross-case
Comparison of the Urban Insurgency Campaigns of Montoneros, M-19 and Fsln In a
Historical Perspective. Print
^ Boudon, Lawrence.
"Colombia's M-19 Democratic Alliance: A Case Study in New-Party
Self-Destruction." Latin American Perspectives 28.1, Colombia: The
Forgotten War (2001): 73-92. JSTOR. Web. 13 Aug. 2015.
^ Boudon,
Lawrence. "Colombia's M-19 Democratic Alliance: A Case Study in New-Party
Self-Destruction." Latin American Perspectives 28.1, Colombia: The
Forgotten War (2001): 73-92. JSTOR. Web. 13 Aug. 2015.