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\setcounter{secnumdepth}{4}

% Metadata Information
\jname{Annu. Rev. Linguist.} \jvol{6} \jyear{2020}
\doi{10.1146/((article doi to be added))}

\begin{document}

\markboth{Kiparsky}{Please provide short title}

\title{Metered Verse}

\author{Paul Kiparsky}


\maketitle

\section{RHYTHM AND STRESS}\label{rhythmstresssection}

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Meter has been called the heartbeat of poetry. But like language
itself, and music and dance, it pulsates more intricately than
anything in the biological or physical world. While each beat of a
healthy heart is identical to the next, meter is based on the
regular \textsc{alternation} of prominent and nonprominent beats
(stressed/unstressed, strong/weak,
downbeat/upbeat).\footnote{However, certain pathologies are
manifested by binary rhythms between or within heartbeats, e.g.,\
\textsc{pulsus alternans}, an alternation between strong and weak
heartbeats, and \textsc{dicrotic} pulse, with two beats per
cardiac cycle, the first on the systole, the second on the
diastole. Even the single pulse of a normal heartbeat is actually
generated by two contractions, of the atria and ventricles in that
order, which in turn form part of a physiologically complex
cardiac cycle. Nature abounds in multiphasic there seems to be no
reason to consider them to be alternations between prominent and
nonprominent beats. In any case, nothing in nature comes close to
the depth of hierarchical rhythmic organization seen in the
cognitively structured domains of dance, music, verse, and
language itself.} The prominent beats in turn alternate between
more prominent and less prominent beats, and so on, up to a unique
culmination, generating a \textsc{prominence hierarchy} within a
domain (Liberman \& Prince 1977). In addition, the prominence
peaks at each level of such a hierarchy are grouped with preceding
or following less prominent units into \textsc{measures}, usually
resolvable into binary constituents in language and meter, but
often irreducibly ternary in music and dance. The mind imposes
periodicity and constituency even on objectively undifferentiated
sequences of beats: we hear the ``tick-tick-tick'' of a watch as a
sequence of ``tick-tock'' units.

These aspects of rhythmic organization shared by meter and language – alternation, hierarchy,
and grouping – can be represented by trees in which each nonterminal node has a unique S(trong)
immediate constituent, or equivalently by bracketed grids where relative prominence is
represented by column height (Prince 1983).
\begin{be}\label{gridtree}
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&&&&&&&&\node{Sc1}{S} &&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&\node{Wc1}{W} &&&&&&&&\\[2ex]
&&&&\node{Sb1}{S} &&&&&&&&\node{Wb1}{W}&&&&&&&&\node{Sb2}{S} &&&&&&&&\node{Wb2}{W}&\\[2ex]
&&\node{Wa1}{W} &&&&\node{Sa1}{S} && &&\node{Wa2}{W}
&&&&\node{Sa2}{S}&
&&&\node{Wa3}{W} &&&&\node{Sa3}{S} && &&\node{Wa4}{W} &&&&\node{Sa4}{S}\\[2ex]
&\node{W1}{W}& &\node{S1}{S} &&\node{W2}{W} && \node{S2}{S}
&&\node{W3}{W}&&\node{S3}{S} &&\node{W4}{W} && \node{S4}{S}
&&\node{W5}{W}& &\node{S5}{S} &&\node{W6}{W} && \node{S6}{S}
&&\node{W7}{W}&&\node{S7}{S} &&\node{W8}{W} && \node{S8}{S}\\
[2ex]
(b)&&&&&&&& &&&&&&&&&&&&&&&& &&&&&&&&\\
((((&\node{x1}{×} & & \node{onenoex1}{\1no*{×}}&)
(&\node{x2}{×}& &\node{four}{\fourex{×}}&)) ((& \node{x3}{×} &
& \node{onenoex2}{\1no*{×}} &) ( & \node{x4}{×} &
&\node{eight}{\twoex{×}}&))) (((& \node{x5}{×} & &
\node{onenoex3}{\1no*{×}} &) (& \node{x6}{×} &
&\node{four1}{\threeex{×}}&)) (( & \node{x7}{{×}} & &
\node{onenoex4}{\1no*{×}} &) ( & \node{x8}{{×}} &
&\node{eight1}{\twoex{×}}&))))

\nodeconnect{Wa1}{W1}
\nodeconnect{Wa1}{S1}
\nodeconnect{Sa1}{W2}
\nodeconnect{Sa1}{S2}
\nodeconnect{Wa2}{W3}
\nodeconnect{Wa2}{S3}
\nodeconnect{Sa2}{W4}
\nodeconnect{Sa2}{S4}

\nodeconnect{Wa3}{W5}
\nodeconnect{Wa3}{S5}
\nodeconnect{Sa3}{W6}
\nodeconnect{Sa3}{S6}
\nodeconnect{Wa4}{W7}
\nodeconnect{Wa4}{S7}
\nodeconnect{Sa4}{W8}
\nodeconnect{Sa4}{S8}

\nodeconnect{Sb1}{Wa1}
\nodeconnect{Sb1}{Sa1}
\nodeconnect{Wb1}{Wa2}
\nodeconnect{Wb1}{Sa2}
\nodeconnect{Sb2}{Wa3}
\nodeconnect{Sb2}{Sa3}
\nodeconnect{Wb2}{Wa4}
\nodeconnect{Wb2}{Sa4}

\nodeconnect{Sc1}{Sb1}
\nodeconnect{Sc1}{Wb1}
\nodeconnect{Wc1}{Sb2}
\nodeconnect{Wc1}{Wb2}
\nodeconnect{root}{Wc1}
\nodeconnect{root}{Sc1}
\et
\end{be}
The tree representation \rfa{gridtree}{a} and the bracketed grid
representation \rfa{gridtree}{b} convey exactly the same
information and are interconvertible. However, they differ
somewhat in the formal operations and constraints that can be
perspicuously expressed in them.

Certain constituents in the hierarchy have substantive properties
of their own. In phonology, these constituents make up the
\textsc{prosodic hierarchy}; its stylized counterpart in verse is
the \textsc{metrical hierarchy}, which appears to be strictly
binary and hence does not map onto the prosodic one.
\begin{be}\label{metrhier}
\begin{tabular}[t]{ccccc}
(a) Prosodic hierarchy (in language)\\[3ex]

\phantom{Poem} \\

\phantom{$|$}\\

Utterance \\
$|$\\
Intonation group \\
$|$\\
Phonological phrase \\
$|$\\
Word \\
$|$\\
Foot \\
$|$\\
Syllable \\
$|$\\
Mora
\end{tabular}
\begin{tabular}[t]{ccccc}
(b) Metrical hierarchy (in verse)\\[3ex]

Poem \\

$|$\\

Quatrain \\

$|$\\

Couplet (distich)\\

$|$\\

Line\\

$|$\\

Half-line (hemistich) \\

$|$\\

Dipod\\

$|$\\

Foot\\

$|$\\

Beat
\end{tabular}
\end{be}
The prosodic and metrical hierarchies are subject to \textsc{Strict Layering}, a violable
constraint which militates against skipping levels and against improper bracketing (Itô and
Mester 2003[1992]).
\begin{be}\label{sl}
\textsc{Strict Layering}

 \begin{enumerate}
 \item A nonterminal unit of the prosodic hierarchy, X\urf{p}, is composed
 of one or more complete units of the immediately lower category, X\urf{p--1}.

 \item A nonroot unit of a prosodic hierarchy, X\urf{p}, is completely contained in a
 unit of the immediately superordinate category, X\urf{p+1}.
 \end{enumerate}
\end{be}

A consequence of the grounding of meter in language is that
lineation and length restrictions are not defined by counting feet
or any other units in \rfa{metrhier}{b} – for phonology cannot
count past two. They emerge from constraints on the hierarchical
rhythmic structure that versification imposes on texts (Chen 1980,
Kiparsky 2006). Accordingly an iambic pentameter is not just a
sequence of five iambs: it is built from cola that are themselves
built from feet. Some of the evidence that confirms this
prediction will be summarized in Section \ref{englishsection}. It
follows that the line has no privileged status over the couplet or
the stanza, which are often defined by additional metrical
constraints on lines, and that lineation is in part conventional,
in that any place where an obligatory major prosodic break in the
verse regularly divides equivalent units may be considered a line
break, by convenience or tradition. 4343 ballad quatrains can be
printed as fourteener distichs and vice versa, and 3343 quatrains
are interchangeable with poulter's measure. Some editions of the
\textit{Kalevala} print its 8-syllable parallel couplets as single
16-syllable lines, and nobody minds. These considerations argue
against the contrary view (Fabb \& Halle 2009: 242) that lineation
and length restrictions are the primary property of verse, and
that meter arises as a by-product of counting syllables to fix the
length of lines, with rhythm an epiphenomenal ``property of the
way a sequence of words is read or performed.''

In addition to its constitutive structural properties of hierarchy
and constituency, meter is enlivened by excursions such as
syncopation, skipped beats, doubled beats, and extrametrical
beats, followed by return to the regularly alternating baseline
rhythm. A heart that pulsates like verse would have its owner
sent, with sirens screaming, to the nearest cardiological ward.

But the complexity is regimented. A meter is defined by a set of
constraints on the distribution of prominence-defining
phonological features and on the misalignment of linguistic
constituents (words, phrases, sentences) with metrical
constituents (feet, dipods, cola, lines, stanzas). These
constraints can depend on genre and period, and on the level of
the hierarchy at which the mismatch occurs. The iambic pentameter
of Shakespeare's dramatic verse offers an extraordinarily abundant
metrical palette (described in Section 3 below), that of his
sonnets less so, but both are metrically richer than Pope's
neoclassical heroic couplets, and even that tight form still
offers some options denied to most German or Russian verse.

In virtue of being subject to well-defined constraints, metrical
verse is the simplest, unmarked form of literary language ---
indeed in many unwritten literatures the first or only form. Prose
is a more complex form of literature (as pointed out already by
Herder 1768, see Hanson \& Kiparsky 1997), distinguished by
rhythmic variety, and often by the avoidance of metrical cadences
(antimetricality, Borgeson et al., to appear).

Metrical verse, lyric as well as epic, is common in preliterate
cultures.\footnote{See Beissinger 2012 for a concise review of the
major traditions of oral and oral-derived poetry, with
bibliography.} Even in written literatures, all metrical verse is
in principle oral, for writing systems reflect prominence-defining
phonological features imperfectly if at all, and the graphic
properties of a text, including spacing and line breaks, are not
in themselves constitutive elements of verse, but cues to
phonological phrasing and lineation. A metrical system is not only
a cultural artifact, but molded within the limits of cognitive and
linguistic constraints by functional pressures, of which the most
important are that {the metrical repertoire should be as
expressive as necessary to accommodate the language
(\textsc{fit}), and as restrictive as possible within those bounds
(\textsc{interest})} (Hanson \& Kiparsky 1996).

The goal of \textsc{generative metrics} is a ``grammar'' of meter,
rather than a ``dictionary.'' It aims to characterize metrical
systems as points or regions in a typological space, with
linguistic theory the main theoretical model and explanatory
engine. Its fundamental hypothesis is that the metrical form of
verse is a stylization of phonological form. Appropriately
formalized, this predicts a typology of possible verse meters
which is more narrowly constrained than musical meters in several
respects. In particular, verse meter is inherits from phonology a
strict binarity. Ternary measures, ubiquitous in music, are in
verse constructed from binary ones by beat-splitting. While
polymeters and nonisochronous (``additive'') meters such as
2-2-3-2-3 or 2-2-2-2-1$\frac{1}{2}$-1$\frac{1}{2}$ are used in
musics of Africa and South Asia, they are not found not in their
poetries (Deo 2007).

Another consequence of the grounding of meter in language is that
lineation and length restrictions are not defined by counting feet
or any other units in \rfa{metrhier}{b} – for phonology cannot
count past two – but rather by their abstract hierarchical
organization. Accordingly an iambic pentameter is not just a
sequence of five iambs: it is built from cola that are themselves
built from feet. Some of the evidence that confirms this
prediction will be summarized in Section \ref{englishsection}.

Several approaches to generative metrics are currently being
explored (Blumenfeld 2015). One line of investigation which has
proved productive treats meter as a mapping of abstract verse
patterns (``templates'') to their permissible linguistic
instantiations. Both templates and their instantiations can be
represented by bracketed grids or labeled trees as in
\rf{gridtree}. The abstract verse patterns can be characterized by
systems of ranked Optimality-Theoretic markedness constraints, of
the same type as the constraints that govern the prosody of
language itself. Evidence is mounting that they are very simple
and uniform.\footnote{For instance, there is no such thing as
``trochaic substitution'' in iambs: an inverted initial foot is
still an iamb, its inversion licensed by the correspondence rules
(Kiparsky 2007).} All the complexity is located in the constraints
that delimit the permissible mismatches between abstract metrical
patterns and the linguistic patterns of prominence that realize
them. These can be formalized by Optimality-Theoretic
correspondence constraints. The output of this constraint
evaluation is a \textsc{metrical analysis}, which specifies
whether a given text instantiates (i.e.,\ legitimately corresponds
to) a given abstract metrical pattern, and if so, how complex the
instantiation is, as measured by the licensed violations it
incurs.

Vocal performance in in song, recitation, and drama can profitably
be included in the theory, since it is shaped both by meter and by
linguistic form, and since prevailing styles of performance
historically influence meter. We can model conventions of
text-setting as an interface between composition and delivery.
The structure of a metrical theory is accordingly as follows.
\newpage
\begin{be}\label{us}
\setlength{\arrowwidth}{10pt}
\setlength{\treelinewidth}{1pt}
{\center
\small{
\noindent
\node{1m}{\begin{boxedminipage}[c][8.5ex]{7em}
Metrical\\ patterns\\(verse design)\\
\end{boxedminipage}}
\hspace{8em}
\node{1c}{\begin{minipage}[c][7ex]{7em}
Correspondence rules/constraints
\end{minipage}}
\hspace{8em}
\node{1p}{\begin{boxedminipage}[c][8.5ex]{7em}
Syllabification, stress, weight, phrasing\ldots
\end{boxedminipage}}
\vspace{4ex} \\
\node{2d}{\begin{boxedminipage}[c][7ex]{10em}
Metrical analysis:\\
scansions, complexity\\
(verse instances)\hfill
\end{boxedminipage}}
\vspace{4ex} \\
\hspace{-10.25em}
\node{2m}{\begin{minipage}[c][4ex]{12em}
Performance conventions\\
(recitation, text-setting)
\end{minipage}}
\vspace{4ex} \\
\node{2g}{\begin{boxedminipage}[c][3ex]{10em} Delivery instances \node{2z} {\begin{minipage}[l][5ex]{0em}
\end{minipage}}
\end{boxedminipage}}\vspace{3ex} \\
\anodeconnect[r]{1m}[l]{1c}
\anodeconnect[l]{1p}[r]{1c}
\anodeconnect{1c}{2d}
\anodeconnect{2d}{2g}
\anodeconnect{1p}{2z}
}
}
\end{be}
The constraints not only define the space of metrical variation, but also predict
the relative frequencies of the permissible variant types (Kiparsky 2006).

According to \rf{us}, composing and performing a song requires
matching three hierarchies of alternating prominence: an intrinsic
\textsc{prosodic form} assigned by the language's phonology,
independently of how it is versified, a \textsc{metrical parse},
independent of how the text is set to music, a \textsc{musical
rhythm}, independent of the words that may be sung to it. The
metrical structure of a text is invariant and does not change with
the way it is set to music or performed. Each rhythmic tier is
representable by a hierarchical tree or grid structure, but
subject to its own constraints. The required correspondences and
permissible mismatches between them are regulated by conventions
that evolve historically within limits grounded in the faculty of
language. Predominant metrical systems and
recitation/singing/textsetting practices in a poetic tradition are
mutually accommodated, and in time mutually optimized. Performance
can be ``tilted'' to reflect meter, and metrical forms must be
compatible with prevailing text-setting/recitation practices. For
example, the 18th century practice of reciting verse by
highlighting the meter made it impossible to read the work of
poets like Wyatt and Donne in a natural way, and demanded poetry
that could be metrically parsed with a minimum of mismatches.

The model in \rf{us} allows for cases where a literary tradition
accesses a different grammar than the ordinary language. For
example, metrical practice can be based on the phonology of an
earlier stage of the language. In traditional French
versification, consonants that are deleted in word-final position
count for purposes of rhyme, except that homorganic final voiced
and voiceless obstruents are treated as equivalent. For example,
\textit{long} and \textit{tronc} rhyme, but neither of them rhymes
with \textit{rond} or \textit{pont}, which however rhyme with each
other; none of them rhyme with \textit{son}. Phonemically and
phonetically all five words end alike: /t\textinvscr \~o/
[t\textinvscr \~o], /l\~o/ [l\~o], /m\~o/ [m\~o], /\textinvscr
\~o/ [\textinvscr \~o], /s\~o/ [s\~o]. Morphophonologically they
all end differently: \{tronk\}, \{long\}, \{pont\}, \{rond\},
\{son\} — the consonant shows up before suffixes, as in
\textit{tronquer, longue, ponter, ronde, sonner}. The two rhyming
pairs match correctly at the output of the lexical phonology,
argued in Kiparsky 2018a to be a significant level or
representation. By final devoicing, \textit{long} and
\textit{tronc} both end in /-k/, and \textit{dont} and
\textit{rond} both end in /-t/. The evidence that final devoicing
takes effect at the word level whereas final deletion is
postlexical is that, in the classical \textit{liaison} system (now
as old-fashioned as the rhyming convention that reflects it) final
voiced stops appear in devoiced form before a following vocalic
word in close contact, e.g.,\ \textit{long hiver}
[l\~{ɔ}.ki.vε\textinvscr] `long winter', \textit{grand homme}
[gr\~{a}.tɔm] `great man'. Therefore they must enter the
postlexical phonology with the final consonant present in devoiced
form. In sum, traditional French versification conventions
crucially refer to the lexical representation that is computed by
the word phonology and forms the input to the sentence phonology:
\begin{be}

\begin{itemize}
\item Underlying (morphophonemic representation): \{t\textinvscr onk\}, \{long\}, \{pont\},
\{\textinvscr ond\}, \{son\},

\item Lexical representation: /t\textinvscr \~ok/, /l\~ok/, /p\~ot/,
/\textinvscr\~ot/, /son/

\item Phonetic (and structuralist phonemic) representation: [t\textinvscr \~o], [l\~o],
 [p\~o], [\textinvscr\~o], [s\~o]
\end{itemize}
\end{be}
That such fine points of rhyming outlived the 16th century pronunciation they reflect for
several centuries is presumably due to the fact that the living morphophonology of the language
kept them intelligible.

\section{PROMINENCE}\label{prominencesection}

A meter may require prominence in Strong positions, or prohibit
prominence in Weak positions, or both. Prominence is expressed by
stress, syllable weight, and/or pitch. None of these features are
intrinsically binary: languages can have degrees of stress and
weight, and distinctive levels and contours of pitch. The continua
are exploited to give texture to verse (Ryan 2018), and indeed to
literary prose. But remarkably, in categorical constraints they
are all binarized – another manifestation of the pervasive
binarity of verse structure. Stress meters (syllabotonic meters)
work with a binary distinction between stress peaks and nonpeaks.
It may be defined on different units in the hierarchy
\rf{metrhier}, each potentially constrained by meter, but always
binarily. Quantitative meters, found in classical Greek, Arabic,
Sanskrit, Persian, Urdu, Hausa, Somali, and Hungarian, among other
languages, establish a binary distinction between \textsc{light}
syllables, with one unit of length, or mora, and \textsc{heavy}
syllables, with two or more moras. Tone-based meters, such as
Chinese regulated verse and Vietnamese Luc Bat, are based on a
binary division between the language's lexical tone categories.

Some metrical systems involve interactions of two or even three
prominence features: Latin and in Skaldic verse obey separate
constraints on quantity and stress, and Finnish and Tamil impose
special weight conditions on stressed syllables (Ryan 2017). In
the \textit{deseterac} meter of Serbian epic songs, stress,
weight, and pitch accent all seem to be relevant (Zec 2009), again
as binary features.

It appears that the prosodic features that play a role in a
language's verse are limited to those which are \textsc{active} in
its phonology, either phonemic (distinctive/contrastive), or
conditioning processes of word phonology (Kiparsky 2018a). For
example, in the phonological systems of Hindi-Urdu, classical
Arabic, Finnish, Czech, Latin, and Hungarian, vowel length is
distinctive and primary word stress is predictable. Yet only the
former two languages rely exclusively on syllable weight in their
versification; the others exploit both these prosodic features to
varying extents. This is because word stress plays a crucial role
in their respective lexical phonologies, and a negligible one in
those of Hindi-Urdu and Arabic. Turkish offers intralinguistic
confirmation: the Persian-derived classical meters of Ottoman
Turkish are based on syllable weight, while the popular modern
meters are based on stress. Correspondingly, vowel length is
distinctive only in the Persian-derived (ultimately Arabic)
vocabulary that the classical Turkish meters use. English, German,
and Swedish meters are almost exclusively stress-based, though
syllable weight interacts with their lexical phonologies in ways
that are reflected in some of their meters. Russian has
\textit{only} stress, and consequently \textit{only} stress-based
meters, with syllable weight playing no discernible role. Mordvin
has neither lexical stress, nor vowel quantity, nor distinctive
pitch, and its meters are consequently syllable-counting with
variable line divisions as the principal rhythmic device (and tend
to compensate by rich nonmetrical devices such as rhyme,
phrasing, and parallelism). French stress is basically a
phrase-level feature, and its meters are basically
syllable-counting, with phrase-final stresses matched to strong
beats in some genres (Dell and Halle 2009).

Since syllable weight plays an important role in English phonology
and versification,\footnote{See below on W-resolution, which makes
the moraic trochee the maximal occupant of a metrical position, a
quantitative principle that remained alive from Beowulf through
the 20th century.} it may seem surprising that all attempts to
create wholly or partly weight-based meters in English have
failed. Not that these solo efforts produced bad poetry: on the
contrary, Philip Sidney's quantitative hexameters and elegiac
distichs in \textit{Old Arcadia} are quite attractive, and
Hopkins' Sprung Rhythm, a new meter of his own devising which is
based on both stress and weight, is the vehicle of some of the
most gorgeous verse the language has to offer.\footnote{The rest
of this paragraph draws on Kiparsky 1989 for Sprung Rhythm, and
Hanson 2001 for Sidney's quantitative verse.} The real reason that
Sidney's and Hopkins' innovative weight-sensitive meters failed to
gain traction is probably the phonological opacity of the English
syllable weight distinction, due to its dual role in both
conditioning stress in the lexical phonology (Chomsky \& Halle
1968), and being in turn itself modified by stress-conditioned
resyllabification in the postlexical phonology (Kahn 1976/2015).
Generative phonology reveals the phonological rationale behind the
quantitative experiments, and vindicates them against complacent
critics who denied the phonological status of syllable quantity in
English,\footnote{``Since the would-be quantitative poet was
obliged to remember constantly the arbitrarily assigned
`quantities' of the English syllables he chose to use,
quantitative composition was a laborious academic-theoretical
business, like all such nonempirical enterprises more gratifying
to the self-congratulating practitioner than to the perplexed
reader.'' (Fussell 1979: 68), ``The rules that the poets used for
determining syllable quantity applied to the written text, but not
necessarily to what one would hear \ldots We must conclude that
the quantitative experiment is somewhat like a written code —
one needs to count and measure letters in order to determine the
system.'' (Hollander 1985: 65--6), ``Length is Modern English is
phonetic rather than phonemic'' (Steele 1999: 267).} and blamed
the poets for being confused.\footnote{``This atmosphere of
confusion and muddlement enwraps almost all those who commit
whoredom with this enchantress [quantitative meter],'' ``a curious
measles or distemper which, dangerously but not by any means
without beneficial results, affected English poetry … for more
than half a century'' (Saintsbury 1908--10, vol. 2: 168),
``unnatural, arbitrary, inconsistent, and dependent on spelling''
(Attridge 1974). To his credit, Attridge did recognize that Sidney
tried to base his quantitative verse on the actual pronunciation
of English, understood the distinction between weight and stress,
was aware of the role of quantity in English, and tried to align
stress with the ictus.}

Most quantitative meters select one or more constraints from the
following menu:\footnote{In \rf{typ} and \rf{exploit} ⏑ stands
for a light syllable, – for a heavy syllable, and \metra{\bbm}
for a heavy syllable or two light syllables.}
\begin{be}\label{typ}
\begin{enumerate}
\item Strong positions
\begin{enumerate}
\item Must be a bimoraic foot \metra{\bbm} (less restrictive)
\item Must be a bimoraic syllable – (more restrictive)
\end{enumerate}

\item Weak positions
\begin{enumerate}
\item Cannot be a bimoraic foot \metra{\bbm} (more restrictive)
\item Cannot be a bimoraic syllable – (less restrictive)
\end{enumerate}
\end{enumerate} Note that a meter in which both (a2) and (b1) are enforced is
isosyllabic.
\end{be}
The various binary meters of Greek and Latin exploit all these
options (West 1982: 88--93, Kiparsky 2018b):
\begin{be}\label{exploit}
 \begin{enumerate}
\item Strict iambic verse, with feet of the form (⏑ –): \rfa{typ}{a2}, \rfa{typ}{b1}

\item Iambic with resolution in S, with feet of the form (⏑ \metra{\bbm}): \rfa{typ}{a1}, \rfa{typ}{b1}

\item Iambic with resolution in S and split W, with feet of the form (\metra{\bbb} \metra{\bbm}):
 \rfa{typ}{a1}, \rfa{typ}{b2}

\end{enumerate}
\end{be}
In ternary quantitative meters, both S and W are bimoraic (moraic trochees), and
the correspondence constraints on positions determine the distribution of their monosyllabic
and disyllabic realizations.

Tonal meters are widespread in Southeast Asia. A typical form is
the popular Vietnamese Luc Bat ``six--eight'' stanza, with
alternating six-syllable and eight-syllable lines.
\selectlanguage{vietnamese} Words fall into two tonal classes,
flat (\textit{bằng}) and sharp (\textit{trắc}). Flat words
have either no tone or a low falling tone. Sharp words can have
one of the tones that have a High component, \textit{sắc, hỏi,
ngã}, or \textit{nặng}. The example in \rf{viet} is from
\textit{Kim Vân Kiều} ``The Tale of by Kiều'' by Nguyễn Du.
\begin{be}\label{viet}
\selectlanguage{vietnamese}

Trăm năm, trong cõi người \textbf{ta},\\
Chữ tài, chữ mệnh, khéo \textbf{là} ghét \textbf{nhau}.\\
Trải qua một cuộc bể \textbf{dâu},\\
Những điều trông thấy mà \textbf{đau} đớn \textbf{lòng};\\
Lạ gì bỉ sắc, tư \textbf{phong},\\
Trời xanh quen thói má \textbf{hồng} đánh ghen.

Within the span of hundred years of human existence,\\
what a bitter struggle is waged between genius and destiny!\\
How many harrowing events have occurred while mulberries cover the conquered sea!\\
Rich in beauty, unlucky in life!\\
Strange indeed, but little wonder,\\
since casting hatred upon rosy cheeks is a habit of the Blue Sky.\\ (Trans.\
Lê Xuân Thuy)
\end{be}
The end of an eight-syllable line rhymes with the end of the next
six-syllable line and with the sixth syllable of the next
eight-syllable line (rhymes bold-faced in \rf{viet}). Two words
rhyme if both have sharp or flat tone, and identical or similar
codas (rhymes with identical nuclei and codas are considered
perfect). Even-numbered syllables, which I assume to be the heads
of binary feet, are tonally restricted as shown. The schema is
shown in \rf{lucbat}, where ♭=Flat, ♯=Sharp,
×=unspecified.\footnote{\selectlanguage{vietnamese} The schema is
adopted from \url{http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lục_bát}, where
more references are given. An exception mentioned there is that
the second syllable in odd lines is free when there is a break
after the third.}
\begin{be}\label{lucbat}
\bt{lllllllll}
×& ♭& ×& ♯& ×& ♭\trf{a}& \\
×& ♭& ×& ♯& ×& ♭\trf{a}& ♯& ♭\trf{b} \\
×& ♭& ×& ♯& ×& ♭\trf{b}& \\
×& ♭& ×& ♯& ×& ♭\trf{b}& ♯& ♭\trf{c} \\
\et
\end{be}
I posit the following structure for a distich, with the rule that
the head of an S foot is ♭ and the head of a W foot is ♯, and
that the Strongest positions (6 and 8) rhyme:
\begin{be}
\begin{tabular}[t]{l^c^c^c^c^c^c^c^c^c^c^c^c^c^c^c^c^c^c^c^c^c^c^cc^c^c^c^c^c^c^c^c^c}
\rowstyle{\normalsize}
&&&&&&&&&\mc{2}{c}{\node{R}{D}}&&& \\[2ex]
\rowstyle{\normalsize}
&&&&&&\mc{2}{c}{\node{R0}{W}}&&&&\\[2ex] % \mc{2}{c}{\node{R1}{S}}&&& \\[2ex]
\rowstyle{\normalsize}
&&&\mc{2}{c}{\node{W1}{W}}&&&&&\mc{2}{c}{\node{S1}{S}}&\\[2ex]
\rowstyle{\normalsize}
&&\mc{2}{c}{\node{W2a}{W}}&&&&&\mc{2}{c}{\node{S2a}{W}}&&&\\[2ex]
&\mc{2}{c}{\node{W3a1}{S}}&\mc{2}{c}{\node{S3a1}{W}}&\mc{2}{c}{\node{W3b1}{S}}&\mc{2}{c}{\node{S3b1}{S}}
&\mc{2}{c}{\node{W3b2}{W}}&\mc{2}{c}{\node{S3b2}{S}}
&\mc{2}{c}{\node{W3b3}{S}}\\[2ex] %&\mc{2}{c}{\node{S3b3}{S}}

&\node{W4a1i}{W}&\node{S4a1i}{S}&
\node{W4a1ii}{W}&\node{S4a1ii}{S}&
\node{W4a2i}{W}&\node{S4a2i}{S}&
\node{W4a2ii}{W}&\node{S4a2ii}{S}&
\node{W4b1i}{W}&\node{S4b1i}{S}&
\node{W4b1ii}{W}&\node{S4b1ii}{S}&
\node{W4b1iii}{W}&\node{S4b1iii}{S}&\\
&× &♭&×&♯&×&♭&×&♭&×&♯&×&♭&×&♭&

\nodeconnect{W3b3}{S4b1iii}
\nodeconnect{W3b3}{W4b1iii}
\nodeconnect{R}{R0}
\nodeconnect{R}{W3b3}
\nodeconnect{W3a1}{W4a1i}
\nodeconnect{W3a1}{S4a1i}
\nodeconnect{S3a1}{W4a1ii}
\nodeconnect{S3a1}{S4a1ii}
\nodeconnect{W3b1}{W4a2i}
\nodeconnect{W3b1}{S4a2i}
\nodeconnect{S3b1}{W4a2ii}
\nodeconnect{S3b1}{S4a2ii}
\nodeconnect{W3b2}{W4b1i}
\nodeconnect{W3b2}{S4b1i}
\nodeconnect{S3b2}{W4b1ii}
\nodeconnect{S3b2}{S4b1ii}
\nodeconnect{S2a}{W3b2}
\nodeconnect{S1}{S3b2}
\nodeconnect{S1}{S2a}
\nodeconnect{W1}{W2a}
\nodeconnect{W2a}{S3a1}
\nodeconnect{W2a}{W3a1}
\nodeconnect{W1}{W3b1}
\nodeconnect{R0}{W1}
\nodeconnect{R0}{S1}
\nodeconnect{S2a}{S3b1}
\nodeconnect{S2a}{W3b2}
\nodeconnect{S1}{S2a}
\et
\end{be}

\section{ENGLISH METER}

The meter of English is based on stress (some varieties of it also
on syllable weight, e.g.,\ G.M. Hopkins' Sprung Rhythm, Kiparsky
1989). Stress affects the temporal organization of the utterance
and provides the inflection points for intonation contours. The
local cues for stress in English are pitch, duration, loudness,
and the distribution of certain segmental phonological features,
such as vowel reduction in unstressed syllables and tapping of
coronal stops before them (\textit{atom}
[\'{\ae}\textfishhookr{}\textschwa{}m], \textit{atomic}
[{\textschwa}t\urf{h}\'{\textscripta}m{\ibar}k]).

\label{peakpage} Like quantitative meters, stress-based meters can
require either prominence in Strong positions, or nonprominence
in Weak positions, or both. Prominence in stress-based meters is
usually defined by \textsc{stress peaks}, syllables bearing the
strongest stress in some domain – a foot, a word, or a phrase.
E.g.\ \textit{phi\textbf{ló}sophy} and
\textit{phi\textbf{ló}sophìze} have one peak in each domain
(boldfaced); \textit{phi\textbf{ló}so\textbf{phìz}ing} has two
foot peaks but still just one word peak, and \textit{tìme
\textbf{pást}} has only a phrasal peak.
\begin{be}\label{strongweak}
\begin{enumerate}
\item \textsc{Constraint on Strong Positions}: a Strong position must contain a stress
 peak.
\item \textsc{Constraint on Weak Positions}: A Weak position cannot contain a stress
 peak. Verse-initial and phrase-initial positions may be exempt (``inversion'').
\end{enumerate}
\end{be}
Popular meters of English obey \rfa{strongweak}{a}. The standard
literary binary meters, notably iambic pentameter, do not obey it.
Instead, they impose \rfa{strongweak}{b}, varying in what counts
as a peak. For example, Milton's version restricts phrasal peaks,
while Shakespeare's restricts word peaks (Kiparsky 1977).

Micro-variation in the correspondence constraints and in the
prosodic phonology of poetic language generates a vast repertoire
of metrical ``dialects'' or ``styles,'' especially in major meters
like iambic pentameter. One of the richest is the blank verse of
Shakespeare's plays.\footnote{On the stricter, simpler form of
iambic pentameter of his sonnets and narrative
 poems, see Hanson 2006.}

\label{englishsection}
The basic iambic pentameter template is \rf{blank}.
\begin{be}\label{blank}
\frametitle{Shakespeare's iambic pentameter}
\begin{enumerate}
\item Basic pattern: five iambic (Weak-Strong) feet, hierarchically organized as in \rfa{ipent}{a}.

\item At the end of a verse and before a phrase boundary, there can be an additional Weak
position (an \textsc{extrametrical} syllable), shown by a
\outride{slur.}
\end{enumerate}
\end{be}
The principal correspondence constraints are those in \rf{corr}.
\begin{be}\label{corr}
\begin{enumerate}
\item \textsc{Constraint on Positions}: A position contains one syllable. (Obeyed in standard
binary meters of English, except under the conditions specified
below.)

\item \textsc{Constraint on Weak Positions}: A Weak position cannot contain a stress
peak. (Obeyed in standard binary meters of English, except for
verse-initial and phrase-initial position.)
\end{enumerate}
\end{be}
Compare the passage from Shakespeare in \rfa{shake}{a} with its constructed unmetrical
counterpart \rfa{shake}{b}, obtained by replacing monosyllabic stresses by polysyllabic ones
(boldfaced) to create violations of the Weak Position Constraint.
\begin{be}\label{shake}
\begin{enumerate}

\item And thou, / thrice-crow/nèd Queen/ of Night, / survey\\
With thy / chaste eye, / from thy / pale sphere / above,\\
Thy hun/tress' name / that my / full life / doth sway.
\textit{AYL} 3.2.2--4

\item *And thou, / well-main/\textbf{tain'd} Queen / of Night, / survey\\
*With con/\textbf{cealed} eyes, / from re/\textbf{mote} /spheres above,\\
*Thy hun/tress' name / that en/\textbf{tire} lives / doth sway.
(construct)

\end{enumerate}
\end{be}

In the blank verse of Shakespeare's plays, optional
\textsc{elision} and \textsc{resolution} allow a sequence of
syllables to occupy a single position. Elision is the phonological
reduction of two syllables to one, either by \textsc{syncope} or
by \textsc{contraction}.
\begin{be}
\textsc{Syncope} elides a short vowel before a sonorant between a
stressed syllable and an unstressed syllable within the same word.
\begin{enumerate}
\item I speak / not as / in ab/\textbf{\elision{solute}} fear / of you. (\textit{Mac} 4.3.39)

\item And see/ing ig/\textbf{\elision{norance}} is / the curse / of God (\textit{H6.2} 4.7.72)
\item Upon / thy eye-/balls mur/\textbf{\elision{derous}} ty/ranny (\textit{H6.2} 3.2.55)
\item That good / Duke Humph/rey trai/\textbf{\elision{torous}}ly / is mur\outride{der'd}
 (\textit{H6.2} 3.2.124)
\end{enumerate}
\end{be}
Syncope usually does not apply at the end of a line or before a
break. It remains a live process in modern English, e.g.,\ e.g.,
\textit{infinite} → \textit{inf'nite}, \textit{gén(e)rative},
versus\ \textit{géner\`ate}.
\begin{be}
 \textsc{Contraction} elides an unstressed vowel after a stressed one:\footnote{ A few words allow
 contraction across \textit{v}: \textit{ne'er, o'er, e'en}, but not \textit{*cle'er,
 *clo'er, *bea'er}. }

\begin{enumerate}
\item Then, \textbf{\elision{seeing}} / 'twas he / that made / you to / depose (\textit{H6.3} 1.2.26)


\item Thou \textbf{\elision{goest}} / to Co/ventry, / there to / behold (\textit{R2} 1.2.258)

\item A sooth/\textbf{\elision{sayer}} bids {you} / beware / the Ides / of March
 (\textit{JC} 1.2.19)
\end{enumerate}
\end{be}

While these two elision rules are optional processes of the poetic
language itself, resolution is a \textit{metrical} license located
among the correspondence constraints, which allows placing two
syllables in one position. Being a metrical license, (1) it is not
reflected in actual pronounciation, (2) it is sensitive to
metrical structure, applying to S but not W positions, and (3) it
is restricted to specific meters. Shakespeare's dramatic verse
uses two types of resolution: W-Resolution and F-Resolution
(unmetrical constructs added to show the limits of the operation).
\begin{be}
\textsc{W-Resolution}: A light stressed syllable followed by another syllable within the
 same word can occupy a single Strong metrical position.

\begin{enumerate}

\item \lrcases{\ Ty\textbf{ranni}/cal\cr *I\textbf{denti}/cal\cr} power: / if he / evade / us
 there (\textit{COR} 3.3.2)

\item Stoop with / oppres/sion of / \lrcases{\ their \textbf{prodi}/gal\cr *ma\textbf{jesti}/
 cal \cr} weight (\textit{R2} 3.4.34)


\item Of god/like \lrcases{\ \textbf{ami}/ty\cr *\textbf{chasti}/ty\cr}; which / appears / most
 strong\textbottomtiebar{ly} (\textit{MV} 3.4.3)
\end{enumerate}
\end{be}

\begin{be}
\textsc{F-Resolution}: Two function words (most often a
preposition + \textit{the}) can
 occupy a single Weak position.

\begin{enumerate}

\item His fel/lowship / \textbf{in the} cause / against / your ci\textbottomtiebar{ty} (\textit{TA} 5.2.13)

\item Ill in / myself / to see, / \textbf{and in} thee / \elision{seeing} ill
 (\textit{R2} 2.1.94)
 \end{enumerate}
\end{be}
Elision, resolution, and extrametricality may be combined to yield
feet of four syllables, or even five, as in \rfa{five}{a,b}, where
the last foot has syncope, W-resolution, and an extrametrical
syllable.
\begin{be}\label{five}
\begin{enumerate}
\item And take / my milk / for gall, / you mur/\elision{dering}
 \textbf{mini}\outride{sters} (\textit{MAC} 1.5.49)

\item With a / disco\texttoptiebar{ve}/ry of / the in/f\texttoptiebar{ini}te
 \textbf{flatte}\outride{ries} (\textit{TIM} 5.1.36)

\item What's He/cuba / to him, / or he / to \textbf{Hecu}\textbottomtiebar{ba} (\textit{HAM} 2.2.585)

\item Some griefs / are \textbf{medi}/cina/ble; that / is one \outride{of them} (\textit{CYM}
 3.2.33)

\item To call / for \textbf{recom}\outride{pense}. / Appear / it to / your mind (\textit{TC} 3.3.3)
\end{enumerate}
\end{be}

In Shakespeare's blank verse, the feet are most commonly grouped
as 2+3, with a caesura after the fourth syllable. \rf{graph} (from
Keppel-Jones 2001: 234) shows the percentages of caesuras after
each position.
\begin{be}\label{graph}
\begin{small}
\renewcommand{\arraystretch}{0} \addtolength{\tabcolsep}{-1pt}
\begin{tabular}[t]{lllllllllllllllll}

\ \ 1. {\framebox[.3em][r]{\phantom{1}}}&\\
\ \ 2. {\framebox[2.8em][r]{2.8}}&\node{eye}{}\\
\ \ 3. {\framebox[5.3em][r]{5.3}} &\node{green}{}\\
\ \ 4. {\framebox[32.7em][r]{32.7}} &\node{alchemy}{}\\
\ \ 5. {\framebox[20.1em][r]{20.1}}& \node{ride}{}\\
\ \ 6. {\framebox[22.9em][r]{22.9}}&\node{face,}{}\\
\ \ 7. {\framebox[12em][r]{12.0}}&\node{hide,}{}\\
\ \ 8. {\framebox[3.9em][r]{3.9}}&\node{disgrace:}{}\\
\ \ 9. {\framebox[3em][r]{3.0}}& \node{shine}{} \\
\end{tabular}
\end{small}
\end{be}
In the later plays, the caesura after the sixth syllable becomes
more common (Tarlinskaja 2014: 164). This suggests that the basic
structure of Shakespeare's line shifts from \rfa{ipent}{a} to
\rfa{ipent}{b}.\footnote{\label{friends}The right-branching in
\rfa{ipent}{a}
 might reflects the general stylistic long-last preference, as in \textit{friends, Romans,
 countrymen; let her rot, and perish, and be damned to-night; lands and revenues; drawn
 and ready; soft and delicate} (Ryan 2019).}
\begin{frame}\label{ipent}
\setlength{\tabcolsep}{2pt}

\bt{rcccccccccccccccccccccccccccccccccccccccccccccccccccccc}
a.& && && &&\node{d5}{} && &&&& && &&\\[3ex]

& && && &&&& &&\node{7c}{S} && && &&\\[3ex]

& && \node{3b}{W} && &&&& &&&& &&\node{9b}{S} &&\\[3ex]

& \node{2a}{W} &&&& \node{4a}{S} &&&& \node{6a}{W} &&&& \node{8a}{W} &&&& \node{10a}{S}\\[3ex]

\node{1}{W} && \node{2}{S} && \node{3}{W} && \node{4}{S} &\metra{\cc}&\node{5}{W} && \node{6}{S} && \node{7}{W} && \node{8}{S} &&\node{9}{W} &&\node{10}{S}\\

\nodeconnect{d5}{7c}
\nodeconnect{d5}{3b}
\nodeconnect{7c}{9b}
\nodeconnect{7c}{6a}
\nodeconnect{3b}{2a}
\nodeconnect{3b}{4a}
\nodeconnect{9b}{8a}
\nodeconnect{9b}{10a}

\nodeconnect{2a}{1}
\nodeconnect{2a}{2}
\nodeconnect{4a}{3}
\nodeconnect{4a}{4}
\nodeconnect{6a}{5}
\nodeconnect{6a}{6}
\nodeconnect{8a}{7}
\nodeconnect{8a}{8}
\nodeconnect{10a}{9}
\nodeconnect{10a}{10}

\end{tabular}

\bt{rcccccccccccccccccccccccccccccccccccccccccccccccccccccccccc}
b.& && && &&\node{5d}{} && &&&& && &&\\[3ex]

& && && \node{5c}{W} &&&& &&&& && &&\\[3ex]

& && && && \node{3b}{S} && &&&& &&\node{9b}{S} &&\\[3ex]

& \node{2a}{W} &&&& \node{4a}{W} &&&& \node{6a}{S} &&&& \node{8a}{W} &&&& \node{10a}{S}\\[3ex]

\node{1}{W} && \node{2}{S} && \node{3}{W} && \node{4}{S} && \node{5}{W} && \node{6}{S} &\metra{\cc}& \node{7}{W} && \node{8}{S} &&\node{9}{W} &&\node{10}{S}\\
\nodeconnect{5d}{5c}
\nodeconnect{5d}{9b}
\nodeconnect{5c}{2a}
\nodeconnect{5c}{3b}
\nodeconnect{3b}{4a}
\nodeconnect{3b}{6a}
\nodeconnect{9b}{8a}
\nodeconnect{9b}{10a}
\nodeconnect{2a}{1}
\nodeconnect{2a}{2}
\nodeconnect{4a}{3}
\nodeconnect{4a}{4}
\nodeconnect{6a}{5}
\nodeconnect{6a}{6}
\nodeconnect{8a}{7}
\nodeconnect{8a}{8}
\nodeconnect{10a}{9}
\nodeconnect{10a}{10}
\end{tabular}
\end{frame}

Varying the placement of the caesura in successive lines is an
important feature of verse. In neoclassical iambic pentameter
distichs (heroic couplets) a caesura after the fifth position
becomes more common. Dividing the line into two constituents of
equal size privileges the \textsc{Parallelism} constraint,
ubiquitous in meter and music (Lerdahl \& Jackendoff 1983: 51),
over \textsc{Strict Layering} and \textsc{Alignment}. In the 19th
century the caesura shifts still further rightward; Browning
favors it after the sixth beat in his early work, see
\rf{early},\footnote{Percentages, N=321. Based on \textit{My Last
Duchess} and \textit{Return of the Druses} (beginning).} and after
the seventh beat in his later work.

\begin{frame}\label{early}
\begin{small}
\renewcommand{\arraystretch}{0} \addtolength{\tabcolsep}{-1pt}
\begin{tabular}[t]{lll}

\ \ 1. {\framebox[1.9em][r]{1.9}}&\\
\ \ 2. {\framebox[7.1em][r]{7.1}}&\\
\ \ 3. {\framebox[9.3em][r]{9.3}} &\\
\ \ 4. {\framebox[18.7em][r]{18.7}}&\\
\ \ 5. {\framebox[11.7em][r]{11.7}}&\\
\ \ 6. {\framebox[20.7em][r]{20.7}}&\\
\ \ 7. {\framebox[16.0em][r]{16.0}}&\\
\ \ 8. {\framebox[11.2em][r]{11.2}}&\\
\ \ 9. {\framebox[4.7em][r]{4.7}}&\\
\end{tabular}
\end{small}
\end{frame}

The descriptive generalizations outlined here beg for
explanations. Why does W-resolution occur only in Strong
positions, and F-resolution only in Weak positions? The answer is
that W-resolution in Weak positions would violate the Weak
position Constraint, which is otherwise strictly obeyed.
\ref{sooth} presents a near-minimal pair that shows the contrast
between elision and resolution.
\begin{be}\label{sooth}
 \lrcases{\phantom{*}A sooth/\textbf{s\texttoptiebar{aye}r} \cr *A truth/\textbf{teller} \cr} bids
 \outride{you} / beware / the Ides / of March (\textit{JC} 1.2.19)
\end{be}
Conversely, F-resolution in Strong positions, as in the construct \rfa{leprosy}{b}, would
introduce a joint violation of both \rfa{strongweak}{a} and \rfa{corr}{a}.
\begin{be}\label{leprosy}
 \begin{enumerate}
\item \ \ Whom lep/rosy / o'ertake! --- / \textbf{i' the midst} / \textbf{o' the} fight,
 (\textit{ANT} 3.10.11)

\item *Whom lep/rosy / take \textbf{i' the} / midst \textbf{o' the} / campaign
 (construct)
\end{enumerate}
\end{be}

Why are lexical stresses of polysyllabic words more restricted
than stressed monosyllables? In particular, what makes them less
suitable to appear in Weak positions? Lexical stresses of
polysyllabic words are more \textsc{salient} than those of
monosyllabic words, since they contrast with lexically unstressed
syllables within the same word. By the same token,
\textit{unstressed syllables} of polysyllabic words are more
saliently \textit{unstressed} than those of monosyllabic words,
hence even less suited to Strong positions, for they contrast with
lexically \textit{stressed} syllables within the same word. These
considerations predict a hierarchy of prominence:
\begin{be}
 \bt{clll}
 \'{P} &a stressed syllable in a polysyllabic word {(most prominent)} \\
 $|$ \\
 \'{M} &a stressed syllable in a monosyllabic word \\
 $|$ \\
 \MX & an unstressed syllable in a monosyllabic word (necessarily a function word)\\
 $|$\\
 \PX & an unstressed syllable in polysyllabic word {(least prominent)}
\et
\end{be}
The following implicational relations are therefore predicted for constraints on metrical Strong and
Weak positions (> = `implies'):

\begin{be}
\begin{enumerate}
\item Constraints requiring stress in Strong positions: \PX\ > \MX\ > \'{M} > \'{P}

\item Constraints requiring absence of stress in Weak positions: \'{P} > \'{M} > \MX\ > \PX
\end{enumerate}
\end{be}

Variation in English meter provides abundant support for this
hierarchy. One example must suffice here: the types of
extrametrical syllable permitted in different varieties of English
iambic pentameter. The most restrictive system, found in early
Marlowe (Schlerman 1989: 200) allows only unstressed syllables of
polysyllabic words to be extrametrical, e.g.,\ \rfa{sys}{a}. In
his later work, Marlowe adopts the commoner less restrictive
practice of allowing \textit{any} unstressed syllable to be
extrametrical, also observed by Shakespeare (see \rfa{sys}{b},
Schlerman 1989: 202). Shakespeare's plays (but not his sonnets)
extend it to secondary stresses of compound words, as in
\rfa{sys}{c} (Kiparsky 1977). The most unbuttoned of the Jacobean
dramatists, such as Fletcher, put stressed full words,
occasionally even phrasal peaks, into extrametrical positions
\rfa{sys}{d}.

\begin{be}\label{sys}
\begin{enumerate}
\item And sit / with Tam/burlaine / in all / his \elision{majes}\textbf{\textbottomtiebar{tie}} (\textit{Tamburlaine} 1.2.209)

\item I come / to bu/ry Cae/sar, not / to praise \textbf{\outride{him.}} \textit{JC} 3.2.73

\item Quite o/verca/nopied / with lus/cious wood\textbf{\outride{bine}} (\textit{MND} 2.1.251)

\item But I / would reach you, / and bring / you to / your trot \textbf{\outride{too.}}
(\textit{The Tamer Tamed} 1.3.9)
\end{enumerate}
\end{be}

\section{TEXT-SETTING}

How is a metrical text fitted to the rhythmic pattern of a song or
chant? The expectation is that prosodic features play a role in
text-setting to the extent that they are important in meter and
phonology. As mentioned above, these prosodic features are not
necessarily phonemic, but they must function in the language's
lexical phonology. Before proceeding to explore this conjecture,
let us consider the relation of silence and phrasing in meter and
music.

Structure above the line is in the main organized by two
antagonistic constraints, \textsc{Parallelism}, which requires
dividing a unit into two constituents of equal size, and
\textsc{Closure}, which requires making the final unit salient in
some way. The normal way of achieving metrical closure is by
making the final beat silent, which in song is realized by
elongating the last overt one (Blumenfeld 2016).\footnote{This is
consistent with the closure effects mentioned in footnote
\ref{friends}, for there is no reason to posit silent feet in
pentameters, and in any case the highest layer of constituency in
blank verse is the line, so that putting the shorter hemistich
last gains no cohesion over putting the longer one last.} But
silent beats have other functions as well, which are of particular
interest for the theory of meter.

Let us begin with a simple example of a Hausa verse narrative
documented by Schuh (1995). The performer, the popular artist Dan
Maraya Jos, accompanying himself on a plucked string intrument,
uses three voices, a narrator and two enacted characters,
\textbf{\textit{a woman}} and \textbf{a fraudulent herbalist}. As
the extract in \rf{hausa} shows, the lines are of variable length,
and no regular meter is discernible at first glance (macrons show
vowel length, the other diacritics show tone).
\begin{frame}\label{hausa}
\setlength{\tabcolsep}{4pt}
{
\bt{lll}
N&Sai kàr ji dai m\āta\~r gidā&Then you hear the woman of the house\\
N&Tā can\textgravemacron{e} masà& She says to him\\
\textbf{\textit{W}}&\textbf{\textit{``Wannàn àbu mài sau{\texthtk}ī kùwa}} & \textbf{\textit{``That’s an easy thing}} \\
\textbf{\textit{W}}&\textbf{\textit{Bàri zân jē can kò cikin gidā.''}} & \textbf{\textit{Let me go there to the house.''}}\\
N&Tā kōm\ā can gidā &She goes back home\\
N&J\āwō kwallā, sàya\~r &Drag out dress clothes, sell them\\
N&J\āwō bōkitì mā, sàya\~r& Drag out buckets too, sell them\\
N&Tà tara\~r tā mī{\texthtk}à ku{\texthtd}\^{\i}n &She finds she hands over the money\\
N&An kai wâ bōkā nan dà nan & It’s taken to the herbalist immediately\\
N&Bōkā ya tattàrē &The herbalist collects it\\
N&Bōkā ya handàmē & The herbalist satisfies his desire\\
\textbf{H}&\textbf{``J\textgravemacron{e} ki, All\āh z\^ai manà
māgànī.''}& \textbf{``Off with you, Allah will be our remedy.''
}
\end{tabular}
}
\end{frame}

Once we understand the composition's short lines as having empty metrical positions, its meter
is instantly recognizable as regular anapestic tetrameter, a standard meter of
Hausa.\footnote{Here I diverge from Schuh's (1995) analysis.}
\begin{frame}
\begin{tabular}[t]{c^c^c^c^c^c^c^c^c^c^c^c^c^c^c}
 \rowstyle{\large}
\BBMB &\M &\BBMB &\M &\BBMB &\M &\BBMB&\BM \\ \hline
 \rowstyle{\normalsize}
Sai & kàr& ji& dai& m\ā& ta\~r& gi&dā\\
Tā ca& n\textgravemacron{e} &masà& &&&&\\
``\textit{Wan}& \textit{nàn} &\textit{àbu} & \textit{mài} &\textit{sau}& \textit{{\texthtk}ī}& \textit{kù}& \textit{wa} \\
\textit{Bàri} & \textit{zân}& \textit{jē}& \textit{can}& \textit{kò} \textit{ci}& \textit{kin}& \textit{gi}& \textit{dā}''\\
&&Tā & kō&m\ā & can& gi&dā\\
&&J\ā& wō &kwal& lā,& sà&ya\~r \\
&J\ā&wō & bō& kitì& mā,& sà&ya\~r\\
&&Tà ta& ra\~r& tā & mī& {\texthtk}à ku& {\texthtd}\^{\i}n \\
An& kai &wâ & bō & kā & nan & dà & nan \\
&&Bō& kā &ya & tat&tà&rē\\
&&Bō& kā &ya & han&dà&mē\\
\textbf{J\=e ki} & \textbf{Al}& \textbf{l{\ā}h} & \textbf{z\^{a}i}&\textbf{manà} & \textbf{mā}&\textbf{gà}&\textbf{n\={\i}}\\
\end{tabular}
\end{frame}
\noindent The performance of the artist is the key to recognizing
the meter. \textit{The empty positions in the meter correspond
exactly to empty beats in the performance.} After each sequence of
missing beats, the singer picks up the regular metrical pattern.
The empty beats are obvious from the accompaniment, but can't be
parsed from the text alone, so that the meter becomes intelligible
only through the performance. The theoretical interest of this
example is that it shows the metrical relevance of phonologically
unrealized structure. It supports template-matching approaches
over the parsing approach of Fabb \& Halle 2008 and the
``holistic'' prosodic approach of Golston \& Riad 2002 and Riad
2016. These theories operate on language directly and posit no
independent pattern to supply the expectation of the missing
beats.

Empty beats challenge bottom-up parsing theories such as Fabb \&
Halle (2009), since you can't parse what is not there. Their
directional parsing algorithm also runs into runs into
difficulties in that the lines of this text would have to be
scanned \textit{both} left-to-right (for lines ending with empty
beats) \textit{and} right-to-left (for lines beginning with empty
beats).\footnote{Note that it has what Fabb and Halle classify as
a strict meter. Loose meters by definition are those which have at
least one noniterative ``parenthesis insertion'' rule, which this
meter does not have.} Secondly, the operations on grids that are
their major means of negotiating mismatchs cannot generate the
short lines because the sequences of empty beats need not be
constituents. Lines can begin or end with an odd number of empty
beats, including sequences of 3 and 5 beats, which cannot be
characterized as groups at any level, whether feet, dipods, or
half-lines. But they are easily recognized in performance.

Empty beats also provide compelling arguments for including performance in the province of
metrical theory, which Fabb and Halle explicitly reject. It turns out that line-medial empty
beats occur just when the singer changes character – a salient event in performance but
\textit{not a formal property of the text}.

The prosodic metrical theory of Golston \& Riad would probably
have to deal with these data by different constraint rankings that
output lines of various lengths, in this short sample alone of
three, five, six, and seven metrical positions, both left-aligned
and right-aligned. This would miss the generalization that lines
of \textit{any} length are admissible provided they consist of a
subsequence of the eight-syllable anapestic patters.

Empty beats occur in Western art poetry as well.\footnote{There is
a famouns one in Hopkins' \textit{Spelt from Sibyl's Leaves.}}
Matthew Arnold's \textit{Dover Beach} dramatizes a speaker
expressing his thoughts to a companion as they view the Channel at
night. Amidst the poem's subtly rhymed regular iambic pentameters
are occasional shorter lines of four and three feet, placed to
mark significant silences in the represented discourse. I
reproduce lines 1--14, inserting ellipses into the text to show
where Samuel Barber's composition (Op. 3) puts in a corresponding
break in the short lines. Two such short lines begin the poem,
conveying a sense of thoughts emerging from a contemplative
silence. At line 8, there is again a missing beat, as the
participants listen to the surf.
\begin{be}
… The sea is calm tonight. …\\
… The tide is full, the moon lies fair\\
Upon the straits; on the French coast, the light\\
Gleams and is gone; the cliffs of England stand,\\
Glimmering and vast, out in the tranquil bay.\\
Come to the window, sweet is the night-air!\\
Only, from the long line of spray\\
Where the sea meets the moon-blanched land,\\
Listen! … you hear the grating roar\\
Of pebbles which the waves draw back, and fling,\\
At their return, up the high strand, \\
Begin, and cease, and then again begin, \\
With tremulous cadence slow, and bring \\
The eternal note of sadness in. …
\end{be}
A purely formal analysis of the text as having a meter with
variable line length misses the dramatic function of the short
lines.

In setting of English poems to music, most composers privilege the
natural phonological phrasing, even at the expense of the poem's
lineation and caesuras where they conflict. Phonological
prominence also tends to trump metrical prominence, in that
stressed syllables, especially of polysyllabic words, are
preferentially aligned with Strong musical beats, regardless of
whether they fall in Strong or Weak positions in the verse. Weak
positions in iambic verse can therefore correspond to Strong
musical positions and conversely, especially if the phrasing and
natural stress pattern requires it (Halle and Lerdahl 1993).

A simple example is the first quatrain of James Agee's iambic
\textit{Sure on This Shining Night}, which features a rhythmic
parallelism of the couplets, with initial inversion in the odd
lines.
\begin{be}
Sure on / this shi/ning night\\
Of star/-made sha/dows round,\\
Kindness / must watch / for me\\
This side / the ground. \\
\end{be}
Samuel Barber's composition highlights this parallelism, without
attempting a close rendering of the metrical foot structure.
\begin{be}
Samuel Barber, \textit{Four Songs}, Op. 13\_3

\begin{music}
\generalsignature{1}%
\generalmeter{\meterfrac{3}{4}}%
\startextract%
\nobarnumbers%
\geometricskipscale%
\instrumentnumber{1}%
\Notesp\csong{Sure }\ql i\en%
\Notesp\zsong{on this shin ing}\Qqbu higf\en
\bar%
\NOtesp\csong{night}\qu {.h}\en%
\NOtes\csong{ Of }\cu g\enotes%
 \NOTes\zsong{star - made }\Dqbu fg\en%
\NOtesp\zsong{star - made }\Dqbu fg\en%
\bar%
\NOTes\zsong{shad -ows }\Dqbu ed\en%
\NOtes\csong{ round,}\hu {f}\enotes%
\hspace{.5cm}
\endextract%
\end{music}

\begin{music}
\input musixps
\generalsignature{1}%
\startextract%
\nobarnumbers%
\geometricskipscale%
\NOtes \qp \enotes%
\NOtes \qp \enotes%
\Notes\csong{\raisebox{-2ex}{Kind} }\qu g\enotes%
\irslurd0m
\bar%
\tslur0m
\NOTes\zsong{ }\qu g\enotes%
\NOtesp\zsong{\raisebox{-2ex}{-ness must watch for}}\Qqbu fged\en \bar%
\NOtes\csong{\raisebox{-2ex}{ me} }\hu {f}\enotes%
\NOtes\csong{\raisebox{-2ex}{This}}\qu {f}\en%
\bar%
\NOtesp\csong{\raisebox{-2ex}{side} }\qu {.c}\enotes%
\NOtesp\csong{\raisebox{-2ex}{the} }\cu d\en%
\NOTes\csong{\raisebox{-2ex}{ground} }\qu b\en%
\irslurd0i %iSlur0c11% \isluru
\setmeter1{{\meterfrac{2}{4}}}%
 \setmeter2{{\lower2pt\hbox{\meterfrac{\meterlargefont 2}{}}}%
 {\meterfrac{3}{4}}}\changecontext
\tslur0i %\tlfslur
\NOtes\csong{\raisebox{-2ex}{ ––––– }}\hu {b}\enotes%
 %\NOtes\slur ced1\qu{ce}\en
\endextract%
\end{music}
\end{be}
\medskip

Dell and Halle (2009) show that while English matches stresses to
strong musical beats across the board, French does so only at the
end of lines, and conversely that French traditional songs require
a parallel pairing of syllables to beats in each stanza, which is
not the case in English. They propose to derive both differences
from the fact that stress in English is perceptually salient
throughout the utterance, and only before major breaks in French,
and that French meter is basically syllable-counting.

For the rendering of stress and quantity it is difficult to give
any general rules. It varies by style and genre even within a
language and period. Finnish provides an illustration of this
variability. In this language, the primary word stress falls on
the initial syllable. Vowel and consonant length is contrastive
throughout the word, e.g., \textit{tule} `come!', \textit{tulee}
`comes', \textit{tuule} `blow!' (wind), \textit{tuulee} `blows',
\textit{tullee} `probably comes', \textit{tuullee} `it is probably
windy'. But in singing vowel length can be neutralized by
lengthening, and stress can be displaced onto syllables that fall
in prominent positions. In the following rendition of a
traditional Finnish ballad (the counterpart of \textit{Edward,
Edward}), the singers lengthen the stressed open syllables,
pronouncing e.g.,\ \textit{túlet} `you come' as
\textit{túulet}.\footnote{\url{https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NwAcHcuYzL4}}
\begin{be}
\textit{Velisurmaaja} `The Fratricide', sung by Niekku. 4/3 ballad
meter.

\setlength{\tabcolsep}{3pt}
\bt{rlllll}
1.& \str{Mis}.täs t\str{ú}.let k\str{ú}s.tas t\str{ú}.let, &Where are you coming from,\\
2.& \str{Poi}.ka.ni \str{í}.loi.n\str{e}n? &My cheerful son?\\
3.& M\str{í}.e t\str{ú}.len m\str{é}.ren r\str{á}n.nast, &I'm coming from the seashore, \\
4.& Miu \str{\dblaccent{\"{a}}{\'}}i.ti.ni k\str{u}l.tai.n\str{é}n.&My dear mother.\\
\et
\end{be}
When an unstressed syllable has to fall on a strong beat, they sometimes shift the word stress
onto it, as in line 3 of this verse:
\begin{be}
\setlength{\tabcolsep}{3pt}
\bt{rlllll}
1 &M\str{í}st on m\str{í}ek.kais v\str{é}r.re.hen t\str{ú}l.lu, &How did your sword get bloody,\\
2.& \str{Poi}.ka.ni \str{í}.loi.n\str{e}n? &My cheerful son?\\
3& M\str{í}e ta.p\str{ó}in van.h\str{é}m.man v\str{é}l.jen, &I killed my older brother,\\
4.& Miu \str{\dblaccent{\"{a}}{\'}}i.ti.ni
k\str{u}l.tai.n\str{é}n. &My dear mother.\\\et
\end{be}

Native Finnish meters are ingeniously adapted to the coexistence
of phonemic vowel length and initial stress so as jointly
optimizes variety and phonological faithfulness. The
\textit{Kalevala} meter consists of eight-syllable lines made up
of four trochaic (Strong--Weak) feet, with obligatory alliteration
and parallelism. The basic metrical rule is that a stressed
(=word-initial) syllable must be ◡ in Weak positions, and – in
Strong positions (◡ = C\u{V}). This avoids lengthening of vowels
in the sensitive first syllable, which would neutralize the most
important site of the length contrast. The resulting mismatches
between stress and metrical positions in words with an odd number
of syllables create the main rhythmic excitement of this meter.

In the rendition by Niekku, the singers foreground the tension
between phonology and meter by resolving it differently in
repetitions of lines 1 and 3. They sing them once with the
original word stress, and the second time they shift the word
stress to the syllable that falls on the metrical stress, in each
case with lengthening of some of the stressed
vowels.\footnote{\textit{Suomen kansanmusiikki} 1 (Folk Music of
Finland 1), Kansanmusiikki-instituutti 1988.}
\begin{be}
\setlength{\tabcolsep}{3pt}
\bt{rlllll}
a1.& \str{Ei} \textbf{pí.t\str{ä}i.si} n\str{ú}o.ren n\str{é}i.en &A young girl shouldn't\\
a2.& \str{Ei} \textbf{pi.t\str{\dblaccent{\"{a}}{\'}}i.si} n\str{ú}o.ren n\str{é}i.en &A young girl shouldn't\\
b.& V\str{á}s.ta.k\str{á}s.va.v\str{a}n ká.n\str{a}.sen &A chick still growing \\
c1.& \textbf{\str{Ú}s.ko.\str{a}} ú.r\str{o}n \textbf{sá.n\str{o}.ja} &Trust the words of a male\\
c2.& \textbf{\str{U}s.ko.\str{á}} ú.r\str{o}n \textbf{sa.n\str{ó}.ja} &Trust the words of a male\\
d.& M\str{í}e.hen v\str{á}ls.kin v\str{á}n.non.n\str{o}i.ta
&The promises of a cheating man \et
\end{be}

In general, distinctive quantity seem to be reflected more
faithfully in text-setting than stress is (Hayes 2016). Since
syllable weight is the only active prosodic feature in the lexical
phonology of Urdu (or at least by far the most important one), and
its meters are also based on weight, good singers take care to
preserve it. Begum Akhtar's ghazal renderings respect syllable
weight in so far as possible while maintaining Urdu's phonemic
vowel length contrast, even at the cost of some compromises in the
syllable count. Metrically prominent positions are sung as
bimoraic. In words like \textit{gul} `rose', this is done by
extending the note over the vowel and the sonorant coda. Words
like \textit{səb} `all' are bimoraic and occupy heavy positions
in the meter, but their closing obstruent cannot carry a note, nor
can the phonemically short vowel be lengthened lest the length
contrast is lost. In positions that require a heavy syllable, such
words are sung with final \textit{-ə} inserted as a last resort,
which allows their heavy syllables that have only one singable
mora to fill the musical space allotted to them. In this system,
faithfulness to syllable weight trumps faithfulness to the
syllable count.\footnote{A fine example is Begum Akhtar's
rendering of Ghalib's \textit{Sab Kahan Kuch Lala-o-Gul Mein},
\url{https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0wggu6H8Qxo}}

The investigation of text-to-tune alignment in cross-linguistic perspective is only beginning,
but preliminary results already indicate that the negotiation of phonology and meter in song
provides a sensitive probe into the prosodic organization of language.

\section*{DISCLOSURE STATEMENT}

The authors are not aware of any affiliations, memberships,
funding, or financial holdings that might be perceived as
affecting the objectivity of this review.

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\end{document}
