Alsina, Alex & Vigo, Eugenio M.: Agreement: Interactions with Case and Raising
The goal of this paper is to describe verbal agreement in languages like
Icelandic in which the finite verb agrees with the nominative SUBJ, if there is
one; otherwise, it agrees with a nominative OBJ; otherwise, it shows 3rd person
singular features in the default gender (neuter in Icelandic). Special attention
is paid to agreement in raising constructions, the raising verb may agree with
the nominative OBJ of its infinitival complement. Similar facts occur in English
locative inversion (Bresnan, 1994). These facts support the claim that verbs do
not specify the Person-Number-Gender (PNG) features of any particular GF in
their lexical entries. Instead, they specify the clausal PNG features as the
feature structure AGR(EEMENT), which is unified with the AGR of the appropriate
GF satisfying a set of OT constraints (as in Alsina and Vigo, 2014).
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Created: December 2017
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Stanford University
Cordura Hall
210 Panama Street
Stanford, CA 94305-4101
(650) 723-1839