Such expressions were relatively mild. In the United States denunciations of Mexicans as backward, racially inferior, and hopelessly unprogressive were commonplace. American governors and senators spoke as if military intervention by the United States was prerequisite of development.
Pletcher, Rails, Mines, and Progress, 37-49.
Hart, Empire and Revolution, 10-16, 31-34, 40-41, 37-39, 80.
The battle against the French and the Archduke Maximilian had been for Mexicans the equivalent of the American Civil War, forging national and personal interests in a complicated amalgam where one could later be mistaken for the other. Desperately in need of money for weapons, Romero had brokered Mexico's future by helping to sell Mexican bonds issued by a government in virtual exile at deep discounts to New York capitalists. Many of the bonds guaranteed land and other concessions should the Mexican government default.
To buttress his financiers and railroad men, Rosecrans enlisted U.S. politicians, many of whom were already active in other railroad speculations. James A. Garfield and Chief Justice Salmon Chase joined his consortium, and, more surprisingly, Ulysses S. Grant, who needed money and whom Rosecrans needed because Grant was highly thought of in Mexico because of his sympathy toward Juarez.
Pletcher, Rails, Mines, and Progress, 37-49, 152-154.
Pletcher, Rails, Mines, and Progress, 37-49.
Athearn, Rebel of the Rockies, 5-37.
quote, Augustus J. Veenendaal Jr., Slow Train to Paradise: How Dutch Investment Helped Build American Railroads (Stanford: Stanford Univ. Press, 1996), 65.
Hart, Empire and Revolution,31-34.
Hart, Empire and Revolution, 49-51.